There is a general notoriety attached to the Tribune and its editor. He has made mistakes, and he has made fortunate hits. He was in favor of secession early in 1861; he was curiously mixed up with the peace negotiations at Niagara Falls with George N. Sanders and others during the rebellion; he put his name on the bail-bond of Jefferson Davis after the war was over-his reasons why and wherefore were given at the time. If the Southern States wished to go out of the Union, and could not be retained, let them go. If the rebellion could not be suppressed, why not come to terms with the rebels? If the government would not bring Davis to trial for his treason, why should he be kept locked up in a fortress? All cogent to his mind.

On the 10th of April, 1871, the Tribune was thirty years old. It was the close of a full journalistic generation. On that day the founder of the paper gave a succinct and edifying history of his labors and achievements. It is as follows:

The Daily Tribune was first issued on the 10th of April, 1841; it has therefore completed its thirtieth, and to-day enters upon its thirty-first year. It was originally a small folio sheet, employing, perhaps, twenty persons in its production; it is now one of the largest journals issued in any part of the world, containing ten to fifteen times as much as at first, and embodying in each issue the labor of four to five hundred persons as writers, printers, etc., etc. Its daily contents, apart from advertisements, would make a fair 12mo volume, such as sells from the bookstores for $1 25 to $1 50; and when we are compelled to issue a supplement, its editorials, correspondence, dispatches, and reports (which seldom leave room for any but a mere shred of selections) equal in quantity an average octavo. The total cost of its production for the first week was $525; it is now nearly $20,000 per week, with a constant, irresistible tendency to increase.

Other journals have been established by a large outlay of capital, and many years of patient, faithful effort: the Tribune started on a very small capital, to which little has ever been added except through the abundance and liberality of its patrons. They enabled it to pay its way almost from the outset; and, though years have intervened, especially during our great Civil War, when, through a sudden and rapid advance in the cost of paper and other materials, our expenses somewhat exceeded our income, yet, taking the average of these thirty years, our efforts have been amply, generously rewarded, and the means incessantly required

to purchase expensive machinery, and make improvements on every hand, have been derived exclusively from the regular receipts of the establishment. Rendering an earnest and zealous, though by no means an indiscriminate support, for the former half of its existence to the Whig, and through the latter half to the Republican Party, the Tribune has asked no favor of either, and no odds of any man but that he should pay for whatever he chose to order, whether in the shape of subscriptions or advertisements. Holding that a journal can help no party while it requires to be helped itself, we hope so to deserve and retain the good will of the general public that we may be as independent in the future as we have been in the past.

So long as slavery cursed our country, this journal was its decided and open, though not reckless adversary; now that slavery is dead, we insist that the spirit of caste, of inequality, of contempt for the rights of the colored races, shall be buried in its grave. The only reason for their existence having vanished, it is logical and just that they should vanish also. Since the substance no longer exists, the shadow should promptly disappear.

The protection, looking to the development of our home industry, by duties on imports, discriminating with intent to uphold and fortify weak and exposed departments thereof, has ever been, in our view, the most essential and beneficent feature of a true national policy. Our country has always increased rapidly in production, in wealth, in population, and in general comfort, when protection was in the ascendant, while it has been cursed with stagnation, paralysis, commercial revulsions, and wide-spread bankruptcies under the sway of relative free trade. This journal stood for protection under the lead of Henry Clay, Daniel Webster, Walter Forward, George Evans, Thomas Corwin, and their compeers; it stands for protection to-day as heartily as it did then, and for identical reasons. It asks no Free-trader to forego his economic views in order to be a Republican; it insists that no Protectionist shall be bullied out of his convictions in deference to the harmony of the party. It asks no more than it concedes, and will be satisfied with no less. If the Republican Party shall ever be broken up on the Tariff Question, it will take care that the responsibility is placed where it belongs.

The editor of the Tribune was also its publisher and sole proprietor when it first commended itself to public attention. He long ago ceased to be publisher, and is now but one among twenty proprietors. As the work required has grown, it has been divided, and in part assigned to others, but the chief direction and supervision of its columns has been continued in his hands, and is likely to remain there so long as his strength shall endure. Half his life has been devoted to this journal, the former half having been mainly given to preparation for its conduct; and now few remain who held kindred positions in this city on the 10th of April, 1841. His only editorial assistant then, though several years his junior, was, after a brilliant independent career, suddenly called away in 1869, leaving behind him few equals in general ability; and of those who aided in the issue of our No. I, but two are known to be still living, and are among our co-proprietors, still rendering daily service in the establishment, and rejoicing in the possession of health and unfailing strength. Ten years more, and these three will probably have followed their associates already departed. But the Tribune, we fondly trust, will survive and flourish after we shall have severally deceased, being sustained by the beneficence of its aims, the liberality of its spirit, and the generous appreciation of an intelligent and discerning people.

The Tribune and the Cincinnati Commercial, in May, 1871, published the treaty of Washington, arranging our differences with England, before the seal of secrecy had been removed by the Senate. All the facts connected with this document were generally known, but the full text of the treaty, it was supposed, were still sacred in the executive sessions chamber when these two enterprising papers gave it to whom it belonged-the public. But the dignity of the Senate was insulted, and two correspondents were therefore arrested, and, for refusing to divulge from whom they received the docu

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ment, they were placed in durance.

There was a fuss in the Senate,

a few ridiculously solemn proceedings, and that is about all. There was a similar case in which the correspondent of the New York Herald was concerned in 1847-8. The treaty of Guadalupe-Hidalgo, which ended our war with Mexico in 1847, was published in the Herald before the seal of secrecy was removed. There was an excitement over that affair as in 1871. The correspondent was arrested; he refused to divulge the name of the person who gave him the copy, and he was placed in the custody of the sergeant-at-arms of the Senate. When the term of that Congress expired his term of arrest expired also, the Senate having had no legal power beyond that point. Jay's treaty with England in 1794 was "prematurely" published in the Philadelphia Aurora shortly after it was received by the State Department. In time, diplomatic matters will cease to be clothed in the mystery and deception that now surround them. The people will then be the Senate, sitting en permanence on all affairs of state, with the newspapers as the reporters of its proceedings.

The editor of the Tribune was one of the candidates for the presidency in the bitter campaign of 1872. In the following letter, which appeared in the Lexington (Mo.) Caucasian, he mildly told his correspondent, who is a Free-trader, that "I am not the man you need :"

NEW YORK, Oct. 18, 1871. DEAR SIR,-I have yours of the 14th inst. I have no doubt that the policy you suggest is that which your party ought to adopt. They should have taken up Salmon P. Chase in 1868; then, as the result of that contest, the return of genuine peace and thrift would have been promoted. That policy gave you more last year in Missouri than could have been achieved by a party triumph. You only err as to the proper candidate. I am not the man you need. Your party is mostly Free-trade, and I am a ferocious Protectionist. I have no doubt that I might be nominated and elected by your help, but it would place us all in a false position. If I, who am adversely interested, can see this, I am sure your good sense will, on reflection, realize it. You must take some man like Gratz Brown, or Trumbull, or General Cox, late Secretary of the Interior, and thus help to pacify and reunite our country anew. Yours, HORACE GREELEY.

But in Cincinnati in May, 1872, and in Baltimore in July of that year, the opposition elements united on the editor of the Tribune, and made him their presidential candidate in spite of their Freetrade notions, and in spite of his being "a ferocious Protectionist." Shortly after the nomination was made at Cincinnati the following card appeared in the Tribune:

The Tribune has ceased to be a party organ, but the unexpected nomination of its editor at Cincinnati seems to involve it in a new embarrassment. All must be aware that the position of a journalist who is at the same time a candidate is at best irksome and difficult-that he is fettered in action and restrained in criticism by the knowledge that whatever he may say or do is closely scanned by thousands eager to find in it what may be so interpreted as to annoy or perplex those who are supporting him as a candidate, and to whom his shackled condition will not permit him to be serviceable. The undersigned, therefore, withdraws ab

solutely from the conduct of the Tribune, and will henceforth, until further notice, exercise no control or supervision over its columns. HORACE GREELEY.

May 15, 1872.

The Tribune issues an almanac. In 1841 Greeley commenced the publication of a Politician's Register, containing a compilation of the votes of the several states in 1836, 1838, and 1840. This was found to be both valuable and useful to our nation of politicians. Edwin Williams, the well-known statistician, had previously collected and published such returns, but put in this compact form as Greeley published them, was an excellent enterprise. This little pamphlet was afterward enlarged and improved; calendars, calculations, and other interesting facts were added, and the publication was called the Whig Almanac. It went by this name till 1856, when the title was changed to that of the Tribune Almanac, by which name it has since been known. It has a full astronomical department, gives all the election returns, important political movements and platforms, short essays on the topics of the day, and statistics of value, and has become, in its way, as much of an institution as the Tribune itself.

The issue of almanacs from newspaper offices is a very old idea. Indeed, they precede newspapers in the history of printing. John Foster printed one in Boston in 1678. William Bradford's first piece of work in Philadelphia was a sheet almanac in 1687. This appeared seventeen years before the News-Letter was published, and thirty-eight years before Bradford issued the first newspaper in New York. Benjamin Franklin originated Poor Richard's Almanac, and James Franklin, the "nephew of his uncle," inserted the following advertisement in his Newport (R. I.) Mercury of Dec. 19, 1758, of the curious contents of this almanac for the following year:

Fuft Published,

And to be SOLD by

James Franklin,

At the PRINTING OFFICE,

Poor Richard's Almanack

B

For the YEAR 1759,

CONTAINING,

ESIDES the ufual Calculations, a plain and easy Process.

for making HARD-SOAP, in which certain unerring Rules are laid down for the Workman to know the Strength of his Lees.-How to make Athes from green Vegetables far fuperior to Wood afhes; very advantageous to Soapmakers, who will find one Buthel of Afhes, thus prepared, worth four Bushels of common Wood-afhes, the Duft of the Vegetables being thereby almost formed

Newspaper Almanacs.

571

into Pot-afh.-Some very useful and approved Prescriptions in Farriery; particularly, how to cure a Horfe when foundered; of the Pole-Evil, when broke, or not broke; and of the Botts.-How to deftroy Moths, Bugs and Fleas, at a very trifling Expence, and without any Inconveniency.-The Advantages of Fortitude. -True Happiness, where to be found.-Man's Dependance on his Creator.-Of Reputation:-The Pride of Science, and Self-sufficiency expofed-The abfurdity of Parfimony and extravagance. How to recover and preferve Health.-A very neceffary and interefting Defcription of Love.-Rules for taking a wife; well worth the Attention of all that would fecure Happiness in a married State.-Of Contentment.-Rules for taking a Hufband; calculated to promote the Happinefs of the Fair Sex.-Of Friendship; fhewing the Expediency of Reconciliation with Enemies, and the Danger of defpifing even the meaneft.-A fafe and fure Remedy for Convulfions, that fo frequently prove fatal to Children in breeding their Teeth.-Of Ridicule.-Of folid Glory; or the Way to become truly Great and Eftimable.-An effential Point in Generalfhip, explained and recommended by one of the greatest Warriors of Antiquity; highly deferving the Perufal of all who are defigned for the profeffion of Arms.-And a Letter of the celebrated Cicero to his Son Marcus, fill'd with noble and just Sentiments.-With wife Sayings, &c. &c. &c.

Here is an advertisement of another almanac of the last century, the contents of which were more like those of a modern stamp. Edes & Gill, publishers of the Boston Gazette, issued one from their office in 1770. There were no election returns then, no republic, no political platform except a "Liberty Song" and a few inklings of the approaching Revolution, no yacht clubs, no yearly quotations of stock sales. These old newspaper publishers gave what they had, and Edes & Gill made out this interesting list:

EDES & GILL'S

North-American ALMANACK,

AND

Maffachusetts REGISTER,

For the Year 1770.

Being the Second after BISSEXTILE or LEAP-YEAR. Calculated for the Meridian of BOSTON,

Latt. 42 Deg. 25 Min. North.

CONTAINING,

A Prospective View of the Town of Boston the Capital of New-England; and of the Landing of Troops in the Year 1768, in Confequence of Letters from Gov. Bernard, the Commissioners, &c. to the British Ministry-EclipsesExtract from the Life of Publius Clodius Britano Americanus, continued A Lift of the Importers and Refolves of the Merchants &c. of Boston-A Table in Sterling, Halifax, Maffachusetts L. M. & O. T. Virginia, Pennsylvania, and NewYork Currencies-Courts in Maffachusetts-Bay, New-Hampshire, Connecticut and Rhode-Ifland-Judgment of the Weather, Suns and Moon's Rifing and Setting, Time of High Water, Feasts and Fafts of the Church of England, &c.— A Lift of the Hon. His Majefty's Council, and the Honorable Houfe of Reprefentatives Judges of the Superior and Inferior Courts, Judges of Probate, Registers of Deeds, High Sheriffs and their Deputies-Officers of the Admiralty and Cuftom-Houfe-Notaries Public-Poft-Office-Juftices of the Peace thro'out the Province, and for each County-Barristers at Law-Prefident, Overfeers, &c. of Harvard College-Minifters, Churches and Religious Affemblies thro' the Province-Officers of the 14th & 29th Regiments in Boston—Officers of the