resumed, 'Now many a child would boast, but they don't know the difficulty. There is much splendour, but there is more responsibility.' The Princess having lifted up the forefinger of her right hand while she spoke, gave me that little hand, saying, 'I will be good. I understand now why you urged me so much to learn, even Latin. My cousins Augusta and Mary never did; but you told me Latin is the foundation of English grammar, and of all the elegant expressions, and I learned it as you wished it, but I understand all better now,' and the Princess gave me her hand, repeating, 'I will be good!'"

The Queen adds a little note on this which will be read with interest: "I cried much on learning it, and ever deplored this contingency."

The sudden death of the Duke of Kent threw upon his brother-in-law, Prince Leopold, the care of his widow and child. The little "May Flower" of Kensington was an object of the deepest interest to her relatives in Coburg, and the idea of her marriage to one of her cousins had taken such root in the family, that Prince Albert's nurse was in the habit of prattling to her charge about his marrying the future Queen of England. But it was not until the year 1836 that the succession to the throne of England was regarded as certain to fall to the daughter of the Duke of Kent. Leopold had even then fixed upon Prince Albert as best fitted to secure the happiness of his niece, and to fulfil the duties of the Consort of an English Queen. But he was far too deeply impressed with the responsibility of such a choice to act in haste, and he consulted his friend and private adviser, Baron von Stockmar.

The two Princes, Leopold and Albert, were invited by the Duches s of Kent to visit her at Kensington Palace, but the object of the visit was kept strictly secret from the Princess as well as the Prince. The Princess was to be entirely free to follow her own inclinations; the Prince, it is true, had heard his grandmother speak with hope of the possibility of such an alliance from his earliest years; but it was only when the visit of the Princes came to an end that King Leopold made the Princess aware of his wishes. The answer of the young lady left no doubt as to her feelings, and in a letter to her uncle she wrote, "I have only now to beg you, my dearest uncle, to take care of the health of one so dear to me, and to take him under your special protection."

Leopold had the highest opinion of his nephew's character, and especially of his power of self-control, which was in later years so severely tested. From Brussels the Prince proceeded on a tour in Italy accompanied, by her Majesty's desire, by Stockmar, who had no misgivings as as to the Queen's ultimate intentions. In Italy he continued his active and studious habits, "rising at six and working till noon, dining simply at two o'clock, when his drink was water, and going to bed as a rule at nine," He played the fine organ in the Church of the Badia of Florence, to the wonder of the monks. He submitted to rather than enjoyed the fashionable frivolities of society; he visited the Pope (Gregory XVI.), and ventured to argue a point of art with the Holy Father. On his return home to Coburg he was declared of age.

At the opening of 1839 the disposal of the Queen's hand was an object of dynastic ambitions and diplomatic intrigues. In England the state of public affairs was such as to make the Queen anxious for a husband's guidance and support. But though the Queen, in her own words, "never had an idea, if she married at all, of any one else" than Prince Albert, she still desired delay, and the Prince actually came to England under the impression that the engagement was broken off at least for some years. However, the Prince came, saw, and conquered. He arrived on the 10th of October with his brother at Windsor Castle, and on the 14th the Queen informed Lord Melbourne of her intention. The Prime Minister showed the greatest satisfaction at her announcement, and when King Leopold heard of it he wrote to his niece as though his dearest object in life were fulfilled :

"There was another who was not forgotten by either the Queen or Prince in thd first tumult of their happiness. This was Baron Stockmar. To him the Queen has

so recently and so strongly expressed her resolution not to marry for some time, that she approached the subject with a naïve embarrassment, which must have touched the heart of this devoted friend

"Windsor Castle, 15th October, 1838.

"I do feel so guilty, I know not how to begin my letter; but I think the news it will contain will be sufficient to ensure your forgiveness. Albert has completely won my heart, and all was settled between us this morning. I feel certain he will make me very happy. I wish I could say I felt as certain of my making him happy, but I shall do my best. Uncle Leopold must tell you all about the details, which I have not time to do. Albert is very much attached to you."

The announcement of the marriage was hailed with delight in England for various reasons, and all the more because it was believed to be a marriage of affection.

The demeanour of the Prince at the marriage ceremony won all hearts. What his feelings were on that morning may be best shown by this touching

note :

"Dear Grandmamma,-In less than three hours I shall stand before the altar with my dear bride. In these solemn moments I must once more ask your blessing, which I am well assured I shall receive, and which will be my safeguard and my future joy! I must end. God help me!-Ever yeur faithful. GRANDSON.

"London, February 10, 1840."

The dry matter of aesthetics and politics considered in this volume is perpetually interspersed as it was, indeed, really-by little oases of simple, tender home delights, such as the following passage from Her Majesty's Journal, on the birthday of the Princess Royal evinces :

"Albert brought in dearest little Pussy (the Princess Royal) in such a smart white merino dress, trimmed with blue, which mama had given her, and a pretty cap, and placed her on my bed, seating himself next to her, and she was very dear and good. And as my precious, invaluable Albert sat there, and our little love between us, I felt quite moved with happiness and gratitude to God."

And these tender revelations go on in a letter to King Leopold, from Windsor Castle, to which the court removed on the 6th December, 1841 :

"We arrived here sains et saufs with our awfully large nursery establishment yesterday morning. To-day is very bright, clear and dry, and we walked out early. I worder very much whom our little boy will be like. You will underderstand how fervent are my prayers, and I am sure everybody's must be, to see him resemble his Father in every, every respect, both in body and mind! Oh, my dearest uncle, I am sure if you knew how happy, how blessed I feel, and how proud in possessing such a perfect being as my husband, and if you think that you have been instrumental in bringing about this union, it must gladden your heart."

In another letter a few days afterwards (14th December) Her Majesty recurs to the theme :

"We must all have trials and vexations; but if one's home is happy, then the rest is comparatively nothing. I assure you, dear uncle, that no one feels this more than I do. I had this autumn one of the severest trials I could have, in parting with my Government, and particularly from our kind and valued friend, and I feel even now this last very much; but my happiness at home, the love of my husband, his kindness, his advice, his support, and his company make up for all, and make me forget it."

And thus the royal lives flow on, in sunshine and shadow-as all streams must-broad or narrow, shallow or deep-with many little shining traits showing through the ripples.

The picture of the royal wedded years, as it passes before us in these pages, is tenderly perfect. It is even reflected in the private records of public events. The Royal Exchange was opened on the 28th of October, 1844, and we have Her Majesty reporting the proceedings :

"Nothing,' she writes to King Leopold the next day, ever went off better and the procession there, as well as the proceedings at the Royal Exchange, were splendid and royal in the extreme. It was a fine and gratifying sight to see the myriads of people assembled, more than at the Coronation even, and all in such good humour and so loyal. I seldom remember being so pleased with any public show, and my beloved Albert was most enthusiastically received by the people. The articles in the papers, too, are most kind and gratifying. They say, no Sovereign was ever more loved than I am (I am bold enough to write it), and this because of our happy domestic home and the good example it presents.'

Such was the early home of our beloved Queen; what it was in after years will be told another time.

MISSIONARY CHRONICLE

OF THE

Methodist New Connexion.

JANUARY, 1875.

TREASURER: J. B. WADSWORTH, Esq., HIGHFIELD HOUSE, MACCLESFIELD.

SECRETARY: REV. S. HULME, HEATON CHAPEL, NEAR STOCKPORT.

MEMOIR of WANG HSIEN SENG. TIENTSIN, CHINA.

WANG I HWA, or WANG the venerable, a native preacher of the Methodist New Connexion Mission, Tientsin, China, is a striking illustration of the power of Divine grace. The education; course of life, and habits of Wang, until he was sixty-three years of age, were calculated to engender the strongest prejudices against Christianity and its teachers. He belonged to that class whose intellectual pride and practical, if not theoretical atheism, lead them to ignore all religious systems, and to oppose Christianity with especial bitterness. After the straitest sect of Chinese philosophers he lived a Confucian. His antecedents, interests, social status, and family relationship, all combined to prevent his acceptance of a religion, taught by a despised barbarian. But the grace which is wonderful in working, disposed him to inquire after the truth, and his history verifies the words of our blessed Lord, "Ye shall know the truth, and the truth shall make you free." He believed the truth as it is in Jesus, and throwing off the fetters of prejudice, stood forth the Lord's free

man.

But little is known by us of Wang's early life. He was born of respectable parents in the town of Chao-Pu, near the city of Shanghai. He received a liberal education. He probably removed to Peking when about twenty years of age. Whether he took this step at the instigation of influential friends, or was prompted simply by ambition to make his way in the world, we have no data to enable us to decide. In the capital, however, he earnestly prosecuted his studies, and before he was twenty-two, obtained the first literary degree of Shü-Tsai, or B.A. He subsequently, at ten different times, during thirty years, went through the usual examinations with other competitors for the second degree of Chüi-Jen, but never succeeded in obtaining it. His literary attainments and general abilities must have been considered of a respectable if not a high order, as he was employed as private tutor in some of the

most aristocratic families in the capital. The brother of Chung-How, late Ambassador to France, was one of his pupils, as were others now holding distinguished state offices. Under the patronage of some of these official families he appears to have received an appointment as Secretary to a Military General, whom he accompanied to the Province of Shen-si, during the war against the Mahommedan rebels. Here he served five years. Either his pay or the pcrquisites of his office must have been handsome, for on his return to Peking he purchased a rank in the Civil Service. This rank is called TungPan in Chinese, which means a Local Magistrate. The title only gave him certain privileges, an honorary position without any salary.

Appointments to Civil Offices are made by the Emperor. On three several occasions, Wang with other place-hunters, was ushered into the presence of His Imperial Majesty, kneeling as suppliants for favour, but in vain; others were taken and he was left. This disappointment might be the result of a purse insufficiently deep to bribe the high powers of State, or of a perverse Imperial oversight. Still Wang never blamed the Emperor, but often referred with pleasure and pride to the honour he had had of thrice glancing on the sacred presence. Without office himself, he worked as deputy for others. He was sent by the Salt Commissioners to the city of Chi-Nan-Fu, in Shantung, where he remained ten years. There he, doubtless, lived in a luxurious style, as it is probable that his income was considerable. All, however, was not spent in riotous living, as he managed to save enough to purchase a rank for his only son, who is now in Tientsin, and holds an inferior post under the Salt Tao-tai.

From Chi-Nan-Fu, Wang removed with his son and family to Tientsin, in the year 1858. Like most of his class, he was daily expecting something to turn up either for himself or his son, which would raise them to independence. Nothing, however, did turn up but occasional deputy business, so that he was reduced to great straits. On the military occupation of Tientsin during the war of 1860, Wang and his family, like most respectable families, suddenly left their house and fled into the country, thereby losing a considerable amount of their property. They returned when peace was proclaimed, and found Tientsin opened as a Foreign Port, and Merchants and Missionaries settled outside the walls. This event was an epoch in the life of WANG.

THE CIRCUMSTANCES OF HIS CONVERSION.

THE particulars connected with Wang's conversion and also many, other incidents in his religious history, must be familiar to most of the readers of our Connexional literature. Still it may be well in this place briefly to recapitulate them. No careful observer can live long in China without being struck with the sordid worldliness and utter selfishness of the people. Missionaries often notice with pain, that even many of those who desire to enter the Christian Church are influenced by sordid considerations.

In the early days of Mission work in Tientsin there were many such cases; men sought discipleship with a view to secure a position under the foreign Missionary which would give them a respectable livelihood. Some European residents in this country believe that all our converts are of this class, and might assume from what we have said of the reduced circumstances of Wang, that the hope of pecuniary relief was his chief inducement in the first instance to join himself to the Missionaries. We are able honestly to declare that we can find no trace of such motive.

A short time before we became acquainted with Wang, in the summer of 1861, an epidemic disease was raging in the City, and he with his son and grandson were afflicted with it. In the case of Wang the illness was severe and protracted. During this period a friend lent him a copy of the New Testament, without knowing anything of its teachings himself. 'It was given him on the street, and he thought Wang would like to see a specimen of the literature circulated by the foreign teachers. He read some portions of this book with curious eagerness and critical attention, but the eyes of his understanding being darkened he could see no meaning in it. His friend could give him no explanation, but consented, at Wang's request, to go to the Missionaries and beg some book that would throw light on the teachings of the strange volume. He obtained a copy of one of the best treatises on Christianity, published in Chinese, the "Tien Tao So Yuen,” or, "Heavenly doctrine traced to its Source," written by the Rev. Dr. Martin. It is a compendium of the evidences of Christianity written in good Chinese, with great clearness and point. This book at once arrested Wang's attention. He read it with keen delight as opening up to him a new region of truth. From its pages he turned with a more appreciative mind to the New Testament, and some of its sublime doctrines rose before his view like spectres of light from a new world. The two points which struck him most were:-that there is one Great Supreme unseen God; and that by praying to Him, man may be saved. With characteristic energy he acted on these discoveries. He would pray to this God to save him from the disease by which he was prostrated. He did not conceive that the salvation of the gospel was a salvation from sin but a deliverance from physical evil, and for this he prayed. He dismissed his medical attendant, threw away his medicines and told his family that God would save him. This was no fancy, but a firm conviction. His friends were first surprised, then alarmed, then vexed. Some laughed at his folly, others thought him mad, but Wang prayed, and, to the surprise of all, he rapidly recovered. He then prayed for his son and grandson who also were very ill, and they too, were soon restored.

After his recovery (he was then 62 years of age) he soon made his way to the chapels, three of which were then opened. He went to one and another that he might learn the nature of the new doctrine. Nor was he a credulous hearer, but frequently proposed difficult questions to the preacher on some of the important points which had been suggested either by what he heard, or had read. Our Chapel at that time was in a back street, too retired for promiscuous gatherings. This circumstance however, gave it an attraction in his estimation, as he could go to it at any time without being seen by his literary and official friends. Like Nicodemus, under the veil of night, he was often found there conversing with the native preacher on the great subject of Christian teaching. I remember many of the eager conversations carried on in that little room after the toils of the day were over. Thus coming day after day to converse, he rapidly increased in religious knowledge. The Old and New Testaments, with other religious books were now Wang's constant study, though as yet he had not received Christ. He believed in one God, and considered that the ancient classics of the Chinese furnished corroborative evidence of this doctrine of Scripture. His chief difficulties. were, the depravity of man, a revelation from God, the incarnation, the divinity of Christ, salvation by faith. These clashed with his Confucian beliefs and long established views, and over every foot of