Early in the spring, the intended celebration of the anniversary of the French revolution at Belfast on the 14th of July, was announced in the public prints, and all the volunteers of the province of Ulster were invited to assist at it. Mr. Tone sent down to Belfast, by order of the Society of the United Irishmen of Dublin, some resolutions they had lately entered into, the general purport of which was a complete internal union of all the people of Ireland, to resist the weight of English influence. They were to be communicated to them on the day of their meeting, in the hopes of their adopting them. The commemoration was celebrated with great pomp and splendour: several emblematic figures and representations were exhibited with inscriptions appropriate to the occasion.* As some very warm resolutions had been heretofore entered into by the northern volunteers in favour of Catholic emancipation, and the great (indeed the only ostensible) principle of the different societies of United Irishmen, was the affection and union of Irishmen of every religious denomination, the Catholics considered this general assemblage of the Protestants of the north, as a favourable opportunity of engaging them more deeply and zealously in their cause; they sent down about a dozen discreet persons to Belfast in order to keep up and encourage the union with the Protestants of the north. They valued the liberality of the present generation the more, by how much the Catholic cause had heretofore suffered from the rancour of their ancestors. When the procession was over, the volunteers, and many of the inhabitants of the town assembled in the Linenhall, and entered upon the discussion of politics. The principal subjects were parliamentary reform and Catholic emancipation: in favour of both of which questions they entered into strong resolutions. They then voted an address to the national assembly of France, and another to the people of Ireland. It was not in nature, that three millions of the people should remain passive and unmoved, whilst the fourth million, which made up the population of that kingdom, was in the height of a political fever. There is nothing in the Catholic more than in the Protestant religion, to prevent a diversity of sentiment upon lawful political opinions. And although a common cause of sufferance may be generally supposed to unite the individuals of a body, yet in truth

On a group of figures drawn by horses was the following inscription. "The releasement of the prisoners from the Bastile." On the reverse, there was a figure of "Hibernia, with one hand and foot in shackles, and a volun"teer presenting to her a figure of Liberty" The following motto was inscribed on another: "Our Gallic brethren were born July 14th, 1789: alas! "we are still in embryo." On the reverse, "Superstitious jealousy, the cause "of the Irish Bastile: Let us unite and destroy it." Among them appeared the portrait of Doctor Franklin, with this motto, "Where liberty is, there is "my country."

there seldom has existed so large a portion of mankind less united than the Catholics of Ireland. The penal code made them indeed a body apart, but it necessarily scattered amongst them the seeds of discord and disunion, which might have been no secondary motive in the framing of the ferocious and unnatural code of laws against them. For it is a fatal truth, that the Machiavelian policy divide et impera was too constantly brought to bear upon that devoted kingdom, as long as it was considered a divided and subordinate country: and such would it have ever continued to be deemed unless united to the head of the empire.

The Catholic committee had in February, 1792, published, as has been before observed, an address to their Protestant brethren, and the public in general, respecting the calumnies and misrepresentations so industriously circulated with regard to their principles and conduct; to which they added the former opinions of five Catholic universities upon certain tenets usually imputed to Roman Catholics by the Protestants of that country.* They were procured at the desire of Mr. Pitt, before the bill was passed in favour of the Roman Catholics of England.

By this publication, they conceived they had removed every reasonable objection on the score of religious opinion. Yet, after the severe summer campaign, in which they had to encounter so much obloquy and imputation from grand juries, and other meetings of Protestants, who had been packed' and stimulated to this end by the chancellor, the speaker of the House of Commons, and some other sharers in the monopoly of the civil power of the state; they found it necessary also to remove or prevent fresh prejudices, which were attempted to be raised against their civil conduct in applying for redress of grievances. On the 13th of September, 1792, at a meeting of the sub-committee of the Catholics, they came to the following resolutions: "That having seen, "with great concern, a variety of publications, censuring the cir"cular letter lately issued by them, said to be signed Edward "Byrne, and erroneously stated to be illegal and unconstitutional, "had thought it their duty to submit that letter to the inspection "of the Hon Simon Butler, and Beresford Burston, Esq. two "gentlemen of the first eminence in the profession, and who had "the honour to be of his majesty's council."

In the course of a very few days, the case laid before those two gentlemen, with their opinions upon it, were published and circulated with all possible industry. Upon the strength of the opinions, the Catholics proceeded in their plan of chusing delegates for each district throughout the kingdom: the elections were

* The queries and answers are to be seen in the Appendix, No. XCI. They are to be seen in the Appendix, No. XCII.

completed with the utmost celerity, and without the shadow of disturbance. The first meeting of those delegates was holden in Taylor's Hall, Dublin, on the 2d of December, 1792. The confidence, with which the Catholics now looked up to their emancipation, brought them frequently together: and beside the committee of delegates, other collections of them occasionally met to consult upon the measures to be pursued towards attaining their great object of liberation. From the publication of their proceedings, their spirit and feeling on that great and critical occasion are sufficiently manifest. In the attainment of this object they naturally considered those only as their enemies, who opposed their efforts, and by the common workings of nature were cordial and grateful to every sincere co-operator with them in the work of emancipation. On the 31st of October, 1792, the Catholic inhabitants of the city of Dublin were convened by public summons in the Exhibition room, in Exchequer-street. The principal and immediate occasion of this meeting was a post meeting of the lord mayor, sheriffs, commons, and citizens of Dublin, at the Exhibition house, in William-street, on the 11th of September, pursuant to requisition, for the purpose of taking into consideration the letter circulated and signed Edward Byrne; at which they came to an unanimous resolution, that a letter upon the subject should be addressed to the Protestants of Ireland.* This letter was highly offensive to the Catholic inhabitants of the metropolis, who were not admitted to the post meeting: it was read from a public print, and a committee of eight gentlement was appointed to prepare an answer to it, which should be published as the unanimous act of that meeting. In the mean time they embraced that opportunity of repeating their thanks to the illustrious characters in both houses of parliament, who had nobly stood forward in support of their emancipation, and the right of the subject to petition for redress of grievances. They also declared, that their warmest gratitude was due, and thereby respectfully given to their countrymen the citizens of Belfast, for their uniform and manly exertions in support of their cause, and for the example of liberality and genuine public spirit, which they had thereby shewn to the kingdom at large. They also thanked the different volunteer corps lately reviewed at Belfast; the Protestant freeholders of Cork; the different gentlemen, who at grand jury and county meetings, had supported their cause; and all other amongst their Protestant brethren, who had manifested a

This letter is to be seen in the Appendix, No. XCIII.

+ Viz. Randall M'Donald, John Keogh, Hugh Hamill, Edward Byrne, Thomas Warren, Charles Ryan, and John Ball. The answer, in form of a declaration, is to been in the Appendix. No. XCIV.

wish for their emancipation: and their chairman (Mr. Braughall) was ordered to transmit copies of that day's proceedings to the chairman of the town-meeting at Belfast, the chairmen of the different societies of United Irishmen; the different reviewing officers in Ulster, and the other distinguished characters, who had interested themselves in the cause of Catholic emancipation. These expressions of gratitude, from any of the Catholics to the Protestant supporters and friends of their cause, were highly displeasing to government; and the real enemies to the Catholics were indefatigable in attempting to identify the cause of Catholic emancipation with that of French democracy and Irish treason. Several circumstances occurred in the course of this year, which tended to affix a stigma beyond disaffection to some of the political societies and military corps. The national guard, a new military body, was this year arrayed and disciplined in Dublin. They wore green uniforms, with buttons engraved with a harp, under a cap of liberty, instead of a crown. Their leaders were A. H. Rowan and James Napper Tandy; they affected to address each other by the appellation of citizen, in imitation of the French. This corps was in high favour with the populace, and were always cordially greeted as they appeared in the street or on parade. Government really felt alarm: a general insurrection was apprehended: they pretended to have information of the particular nights fixed for that purpose. The magistrates by orders of government patroled the streets with bodies of horse each night. It was given out from the Castle, that the customhouse, the post-office, and the gaol, were the first places to be attacked; and that the signal for rising was to have been the pulling down of the statue of king William in College green with ropes. Many other false rumours of conspiracies and assassinations were set afloat. In the mean while the national guards, and all the volunteer corps of Dublin were summoned, to assemble on Sunday, the 9th of December, 1792, to celebrate the victory of the French, and the triumph of universal liberty. The summons began with an affectation of Gallicism, "Citizen Soldier." However, the meeting itself, and whatever mischief had been intended, was prevented; and government issued a procla mation on the 8th of December, against their assembling. The national guards did not assemble; and the only persons who appeared on parade were, A. H. Rowan, J. N. Tandy, and Carey the printer.

Amongst other events of the year 1792, that tended to inflame the public mind, were the growth and extension of Defenderism. As the Defenders were generally Catholics, it then was and has since been the theme of the enemies to the Catholics, to connect the cause of Catholic emancipation with the cause and outrages.

of those lawless miscreants. Until that time they had not appeared beyond the counties of Armagh and Louth: now they suddenly appeared in bodies in the county of Meath, particularly in those parts which adjoin to Cavan. There, and in the adjacent parts of Cavan, there resided numerous tribes of Presbyterians, called by the common people Scots. Between these, and the lower order of Catholics, there had prevailed for many years an hereditary animosity; and it is hard to say on which side ignorance and religious prejudices preponderated. The Defenders on this occasion were the aggressors: their plan was to procure arms, and to deprive all those of arms, who were not engaged in their cause. They began with the Presbyterians, and not in the most courteous manner.

The Scots took the alarm; their brethren of the county of Cavan joined; and they soon appeared in force, more formidable by their knowledge of the use of arms, than by their numbers. They were encouraged and headed by magistrates, clergymen and attornies. Their fury against these aggressors, who were mostly Catholics, fell indiscriminately against all of that persuasion. The Defenders, who hitherto had acted only by night, now ventured to appear in open day. They assembled to the number of about an hundred and fifty men, some with fire arms, and the rest with such weapons as they could procure, near Petersville, the seat of Mr. Tucker, a moderate and humane man. Their avowed intention was to rescue some of their party who had been detained as prisoners by the Scots in the little town of Baileborough: but, on receiving intelligence that the Scots were marching into that neighbourhood, they altered their plan, and resolved to meet their old enemies. The Scots were accompanied with a party of the military, all under the direction of magistrates. On their approach the Defenders took advantage of a wall, and lay in ambush: but notwithstanding this advantage, they did no execution; some of them discharged their pieces very awkwardly; and on the first fire from the military and Scots, they fled with precipitation. Such of them as were most closely pursued sought shelter in the house of Mr. Tucker; and some of that gentleman's innocent labourers, terrified by what they were only spectators of, took refuge in the same place. The house was soon entered: innocent and guilty were dragged from their hiding places, and butchered in cold blood, with circumstances of barbarous cruelty. It is justice to say, that the military behaved on this occasion with as much humanity as gallantry. Some of the Peep of Day Boys, flushed with these outrageous murders, sanctioned by the presence of magistrates, on their return to Kells, most wantonly shot an innocent traveller on the road. After this exploit, they over-run the country, pillaged,