had granted to their Catholic brethren they had granted with cordiality and good will, with a confident heart, an unreluctant hand, and an unanimous voice. Whilst their constitutional pride justly resented the rashness of a few, their justice distinguished the meritorious conduct of the many: and in the intemperance of the moment they did not forget the unimpeachable demeanour of an hundred years.

The most powerful adversaries, they who had laboured with sincerity and solicitude to serve them, had to encounter, were the rash and mischievous publications, which affected to plead their cause. And were it not for the wise and timely interposition of the great and respectable body of the Roman Catholics, to whom he had often alluded, and of whom every gentleman had spoken in terms of the highest respect, they could neither have been justified in their undertaking, nor successful in their conclusion.

The state of parties in the House of Commons was much the same that it had been in the two preceding sessions. Mr. G. Ponsonby after a very elaborate argument, moved for leave to bring in a bill to repeal every law which prohibited a trade from Ireland with the countries lying eastward of the Cape of Good Hope which was lost by a majority of 156 against 70.* At the close of this debate, Mr. G. Ponsonby renewed his profession, that although he should lose his motion, yet he never would vote with any administration, until that and the other measures to which he and the other gentlemen with whom he acted were pledged, should be obtained. In conformity with this principle, Mr. Forbes brought forward, on the same day, his pension and place bill, but they were both put off without a division, though not without debate, to a distant day.

Exclusive of the Catholic question, the debate, which during the session of 1792 was the most interesting, and the most heated, arose out of Mr. Browne's motion to bring in a bill to repeal an act of the last session for weighing butter, hides and tallow, and for appointing a weigh-master for the city of Cork. After prefacing his motion by animadverting on the conduct of administration in pursuing that dangerous and unconstitutional system, which they had laid down and strictly adhered to, of creating influence, he particularly adverted to the appointment made by government to the office of weigh-master of Cork, which had been divided into three parts, and bestowed on members of

12 Par. Deb. p. 112.

† 15 Com. Journ. p. 87. The pension bill was ever most obnoxious to government. Every possessor and expectant was loud in reprobating it: and now more than ever the motives for supporting it were attributed to factious democracy, by endeavouring to clip the wings of royalty and prerogative.

12 Par. Deb. p. 270.

parliament, for the purpose of creating parliamentary influence. This office had been long enjoyed by the corporation of Cork, and they had been unjustly deprived of it for the purpose of the present administration's obtaining an undue parliamentary influence. The Chancellor of the Exchequer opposed the motion, on the ground of its being an insult on the crown.

Colonel Hutchinson voted for the introduction of the bill; last session he had opposed the enacting of the present law as strenuously as he was able, and should have moved for its repeal now, were he not hopeless of success: he had claimed that office then, for the corporation of Cork, and he never should cease to claim it, as long as he had a seat within those walls. The corporation of Cork had a common law right to that office; in equity and in reason they had an irresistible claim; why should they be an exception to a general rule?

Mr. George Ponsonby reprobated the conduct of administration in obtaining influence. In the present instance they split the office into three, and it was bestowed on members of parliament. He observed, that before this grant, administration had already one hundred and ten placemen and pensioners, and that was sufficient to carry any measure they might want without creating the additional influence; but the carrying on of those measures which they adopted and the using instruments by which the ministers of those were governing that country, was a system which, if not resisted, must in the end overthrow the constitution. He contrasted the conduct of the House of Commons of England with the conduct of the House of Commons of Ireland; in England there was a place bill, and a pension bill, and there the servants of the crown were responsible for their conduct; but he asked, how had it been in the House of Commons in Ireland? A place bill had been proposed, it had been rejected, and the minister had multiplied places; a pension bill had been proposed, it had been rejected, and the minister granted additional pensions; a responsibility bill had been proposed, it had been rejected, and the minister of the crown lavished away the public money.

He stated that the gross revenue of the country amounted to about one million six hundred thousand pounds, and one-eighth of that was divided amongst members of parliament. He pro tested that he did not speak as a party man. If he spoke not truth, might God, to whom he should one day answer, punish him. An hour would come, when the country would endure any extremity, rather than endure the system of influence that had been established.

Mr. Moore made some personal observations upon Mr. Ponsonby's fondness for power, and impatience at its residing in any hands but his own: to which Mr. George Ponsonby replied with

considerable warmth, that in a former parliament there had occurred an event singular and unfortunate; the incapacity of his majesty personally to exercise the functions of the crown. The House of Commons of that day did appear in direct opposition to the lord lieutenant: the existing government was beat by a majority of 54; but it pleased God to restore his majesty's health, and in exact proportion as his majesty recovered, that majority had diminished. While the ministry was incapable of controlling the members of that house, their language was becoming the representatives of the people; they maintained the independency of the Irish crown, and of the Irish parliament, in defiance of a lord lieutenant and his secretary; but when the languid powers of that lord lieutenant were renovated by the aid of an English minister, they courted and thanked the very lord lieutenant they had censured and defied. At the time of his majesty's recovery, ministers did intimate to the members of that house, that if they presumed to vote against the will of the lord lieutenant, they should lose their places; and he well remembered, that as the authority of ministers received strength, the virtue of that house became weak; so that those who formerly stood up to oppose and to censure the lord lieutenant, were then the foremost to adulate and to thank him. Was it possible there could be a more humiliating conduct?

He was one of the persons dismissed from office at that time. He did receive a message from Lord Buckingham, by the attor ney general (Earl Clare) in which he was told, "that if he would "consent to support Lord Buckingham's administration, he would "not only hold any office, but receive any favour government "had it in their power to bestow." His answer was, "that he was ready at all times to serve the king's government, but his own consistency never would permit him to support a lord "lieutenant, on whose conduct he had voted a parliamentary "censure." Let that be contradicted; and if other gentlemen thought the interests of the country were better supported by meanly fawning on a lord lieutenant, than by a manly discharge of duty, let them pursue that mode. He never would.*

66

On a subsequent day Mr. George Ponsonby was called upon to make some apology for the liberty taken with the chancellor. That lord had complained, that he had divulged the confidential secrets of his best benefactor in life. To which Mr. George Ponsonby replied, that if some expressions had been conceived to be hurtful to the feelings of the noble lord, that must have been from an idea of what did not pass; he had not stated the whole in debate, but every one knew the events which took place at that remarkable period; and that after certain events an overture had been made by the existing gov ernment to the gentlemen, who had gone into opposition to afford them sup port, to return or to remain with them, call it which they might, and that all previous proceedings should be buried in perfect oblivion. In stating the transaction, he did not allude to any person treating with himself as one, but

Upon lord Buckingham's re-assumption of the government, he erected fourteen new parliamentary places; could any man shut his eyes against that? No.

to many besides him, to his connexions, and not with him only his right hon. ourable relation behind him, Mr. W. B. Ponsonby. The proposition was, that there should be a perfect amnesty, as it was called, a cessation of all hostilities, and that all persons were, to be considered, as if no such matter had taken place. The noble lord, then attorney general, reasoned with him, not as a servant of the crown, but as a private friend, upon his conduct. He represented to him how foolish it was to throw away a lucrative place; that the occasion did not call for such an act, and that it was unwise in him to act in such a manner; that if he went into opposition, he would not only lose his place, but the promotion also in the line of his profession, which his situation in the country must secure. He considered the affair as by no means confidential. The noble lord was then attorney general, and in certain instances might be directed by government. How could it be called confidential? There never was a more public political negociation in Great Britain or that country. He believed every man in Dublin knew of it. In a room not far from them, there were fifty or sixty persons engaged in debating upon it. Though he pretended to superiority over no man, he contended with equality with any man. He was in a situation above receiving charitable donations which the language implied. And therefore if the noble lord had ever said, that he was the best benefactor of his life, he must have lessened the force of any obligations which he may have conferred. He thought with Prior

"To John I owed great obligation;

"But he to pay himself, thought fit "To publish it to all the nation;

“Sure John and I are more than quit !”

It had been understood, that he had said that the noble lord wanted him to sign a paper. He did not. He never went into detail. He only related that government wanted a written answer. He believed that the noble lord was as incapable of offering as he was of complying with such a request. It was told to his right honourable friend and to himself, that a written answer upon the occasion was necessary, in order to be transmitted to the British cabinet, that they might see upon what ground the government of Ireland stood. He held a letter in his hand from lord St. Helen's, (then secretary Fitzherbert) on the subject.

He

The transaction he conceived to be as public as could be, as an amnesty was held out to every one who would come in under it. He hoped he had said every thing satisfactory to the noble lord and his friends, and entirely acquitted his lordship of having made any direct nomination of him to any office. was sorry to state any thing further on the transaction, but it was necessary to shew, that written answers were expected. For after the answer which terminated the negociation, he was dismissed. It was one of the first acts of the right honourable gentleman opposite him, (Mr. Hobart) and he admitted, that he did it in terms of great personal civility. He did not blame government for dismissing him. He would do the same, if he were in government, to those who refused their support. That he assured gentlemen, that his enmities of this nature never went beyond the door of the House of Commons. He appealed to his honourable friend (Mr. M. Beresford) who filled his office, whether he had ever looked at him with envy on that account? To shew that a written answer was given, he read the following copy of that given by his relation (the right honourable W. B. Ponsonby) for himself and friends.

"I intend to support the usual supplies and his majesty's government in this "country. But I will not enter into any communication with lord Bucking"ham. And as some mistakes have hitherto taken place from verbal conver"sation, this is the reason for giving a written answer.”

Ever since the same measures had been pursued, every thing had been bestowed on members of parliament: were there no other men in the country fit for office?

How differently did people feel in England? How little did of influence in Ireland? No sooner was they imagine the power it known that lord Buckingham had quarrelled with the parliament of Ireland than lord Westmoreland was named his successor. It was thought impossible for lord Buckingham to remain an hour, but he demonstrated the force of influence for some months, and consequently lord Westmoreland did not come as soon as the English cabinet had imagined it would have been necessary to send him. Their error arose from supposing it impossible for an Irish parliament to have the meanness to praise and address the man they had just censured.

He had heard a great deal about the prosperity of that country. No man denied that the country was prosperous; the people of that country enjoyed pretty nearly perfect civil freedom, and pretty nearly perfect personal freedom. (Though it had not been long since he shewed to that house, that a judge had grossly violated the latter, and they refused to censure him.) The possession of civil and personal freedom promoted industry, and by industry a country grew rich; but what was that to government? The people of a country might possess civil liberty, and personal iberty, and yet be very badly governed, because they might not have political freedom.

He recollected upon former occasions it had been said, that the people were not discontented; but the gentlemen on that side of the house were discontented. But their conduct had been the reverse of men who would wish to embarrass government. What necessary measure had they opposed? Where had they shewn the temper of discontented men? He then concluded with moving, "that it was the opinion of that house, that his majesty's ministers 6% were endeavouring to establish a system of corrupt influence in

Mr. secretary Hobart acknowledged, that from his esteem for a noble lord, he had felt great pain on a former night. At such a distance of time it was natural that some little inaccuracies might occur. He requested him to recollect, whether that report of the statement which represented the servants of the crown insisting upon him to sign a paper for the purpose of transmitting it to the British cabinet were strictly true?

an

Mr. George Ponsonby explained, that he had been requested to give an answer in writing, not to sign any instrument of association."

Mr. W. B. Ponsonby rose to say, that he had received from Mr. Fitzherbert a letter, in which it was proposed, that gentlemen who had voted against administration on the question of the regency, and past censure, might if they chose, come in under an amnesty, and every thing was to be perfectly obliviated; this letter, however, required a written answer, in order to be transmitted to his majesty's ministers in England, to ascertain them how administration was to be supported in Ireland.