intelligence, that such a fleet was in preparation; it was not positively known whether it were intended to sail against Portugal or Ireland, or some part of the British dominions. Sometimes it was rumoured to be intended against Gibraltar, and at others it was expected to be prepared for an attack upon some of our more distant possessions. The admiralty, however, had some reason to believe, that either Portugal or Ireland was the object of its destination. Ministers adopted such measures as the nature of circumstances seemed to require. They took the properest and best possible measures which could be taken with their uncertainty of the enemy's designs; for it is to be observed, that they had not only to watch the hostile armaments of the enemy, and provide a sufficient force in every quarter, which they deemed assailable, to resist them, but they were compelled moreover to provide a large and adequate force at the same time for the protection of our outward and homeward bound fleets. Under these circumstances, government thought it the wisest plan to separate the fleets into different divisions. One fleet was stationed off Brest to watch the enemy, and intercept the sailing of the expedition; another fleet was stationed at home to relieve the fleet off Brest, if necessary, or to pursue the enemy if it should sail, or attend to any exigencies which might possibly arise. The fleet off Brest, under the command of admiral Thompson, was put under the command of admiral Colpoys on the 9th of October; orders were issued from the admiralty to admiral Thompson, from whom admiral Colpoys received his instructions to take care of a partial disposition of the British fleet under his command off Brest, in case of a dispersion of the enemy in sailing from that port. He was to hover about their coast, and watch over them till they should sail, and, provided they steered to the southward, he was immediately to dispatch a cutter to admiral Vandeput at Lisbon, to give communication of the same; or, provided they steered to the northward, he was to dispatch a cutter to admiral Kingsmill at Cork, at the same time taking care to give the earliest intelligence at home. Surely it was im'possible to select any orders in preference to these; at least he could not imagine, that, considering all the circumstances of the case, any better could have been adopted. He then corrected a statement which had gone abroad, that no frigate or squadron was appointed by the admiralty to watch over the preparations of the enemy in Brest harbour, and give an account of the same to admiral Colpoys, as circumstances should require: for it was a positive fact, that sir Edward Pellew was appointed, and did actually cruize in Brest harbour. He was there the very day the armament was in motion; he was there the very day it sailed too, and he conveyed to admiral Colpoys's look-out ship, the

Marlborough, an account of their progress and their sailing; and he sent a farther intelligence of the loss of one of the ene my's ships (Les Droits de L'Homme) in coming out of the har bour. So it appears, that what ought to have been done, was done. But notwithstanding the diligence, intelligence, and skill of admiral Colpoys, and notwithstanding the experience, courage, and ability of sir Edward Pellew, their exertions were in vain. Though sir Edward Pellew sent off intelligence, that the enemy sailed the 16th, it was not till the 24th of December that the look-out ship, the Marlborough, received the account of it: for the state of the weather was such, that it was impossible for admiral Colpoys even to keep his own fleet under his observation; and the air was so hazy and so foggy, that the fog guns were continually fired. With regard to the enemy's sailing, the house was then in the real possession of the case, but so uncertain were both the officers alluded to with respect to the actual views of the enemy, that both sir Edward Pellew and admiral Colpoys believed they were undoubtedly destined for Portugal, and sir Edward Pellew sent off to admiral Vandeput, at Lisbon, to give him notice thereof. But admiral Colpoys knowing, for the first time, on the 24th of December, that the enemy had sailed on the 16th, and there having been a hurricane on the 17th, he believed the French ships might have been dispersed in the storm, and regulated his conduct accordingly. He thought it the wisest resolution not to follow them to Portugal or Ireland, because he was uncertain of their destination, and he therefore kept his station, on account of the chance of interrupting the return of all or part of the fleet in case of a dispersion by the storm. He recollected also, that the circumstance of the enemy's having sailed would be known by the admiralty, and that, by 'keeping his station, he should have the means of receiving such authentic intelligence as he could not otherwise expect. If he were not able to keep his station by the prevalence of the south west winds off Brest, he was to rendezvous off the Lizard Point; and therefore by keeping as closely upon his station as he possibly could, he was provided for both alternatives, either for intercepting the enemy's fleet on the return of the whole or part to Brest, or receiving such an account of them from the admiralty, as might enable him to pursue them. Accordingly, being unable to keep his station off Brest, the fleet returned to the Lizard Point, in hopes of receiving some information, and was soon after driven up channel by the gales of wind, while the French found their way home in the mean time, though the hurricane still blew.

Mr. Grey, Mr. Sturt, and Mr. Fox supported the motion, and Mr. Wyndham and Mr. Pitt very strongly opposed it. The motion was lost upon the division by 201 against 62. A similar

motion was made on the 16th of the month by the earl of Albe marle in the House of Peers. Lord Spencer opposed the motion upon the general grounds of failure of information, and the una voidable turn of the elements. Lord Carlisle was for the inquiry. The earl of Moira, the duke of Bedford, the earl of Guildford, and the marquis of Lansdowne, spoke strongly in support of the motion. The earl of Liverpool, lord Hood, lord Auckland, and lord Grenville, opposed it. The earl Fitzwilliam said, that where there was blame, there ought to be inquiry. He lamented to have heard some expressions used in the debate of greater care being required for England than Ireland. Such sentiments would produce deep impressions on the minds of the people of that country to which lord Grenville assured the house, that they might set their minds at rest on the subject of Ireland, which so far from having been neglected, had been the object of particular attention. The motion was rejected by 74 against 14.

This determined resistance to all inquiry, and the repeated assurances made by ministers of the security external and internal of Ireland, gave little satisfaction to the gentlemen on the oppo sition benches, and displeased some, who generally voted with government. They returned to the charge, and in both houses. brought forward motions for inquiries into the internal state, and allaying the discontents in that distracted kingdom, which gave rise to very long and animated debates. On the 21st of March, the earl of Moira introduced his promised motion by a very instructive and able speech: it became the more interesting, as that noble lord was known recently to have come from Ireland, so that his judgment could not be misled in seeing the real state of that kingdom, nor his candour and loyalty be suspected of misrepresenting it. He introduced his speech by a comment on the delicacy and importance of agitating questions, in which separate and independent legislatures, and questions, in which the privileges and the independence of each other, were involved. The extent and rapid increase of the discontents which prevailed in Ireland, were subjects of sufficient notoriety to form the ground of his proceeding. He should abstain, therefore, from an enume ration of the particulars which had come to his knowledge, and of which indeed he had recently been witness. In addressing his majesty, to the effect proposed, the house would not only exercise one of its most important privileges, but fulfil one of its most important duties. If it appeared that the counsellors, more immediately about his majesty's person, had not given that advice which was calculated to insure the happiness and prosperity of Ireland, it was the duty of their lordships to approach the throne with advice more wise and salutary. But it might be said, what influence could such an address carry with it, to change the councils

by which Ireland was governed? To prove the influence of the British cabinet, he appealed to a recent fact; he meant the recal of the earl Fitzwilliam, at a time when all Ireland concurred in the measures which he pursued, when that country gave the fairest prospect of tranquillity, and the surest pledge of assistance and support to Britain, in the arduous circumstances in which she was placed. It might be asked, what plan he wished to pursue? It was indicated in the motion he was about to make. When they addressed his majesty to interpose his paternal care and benevolence, the known goodness of his nature left no room for doubt as to the result. It was by temper, equity, and good faith, that the distractions of the Irish were to be appeased, and their affections conciliated. No good could be expected from a prosecution of the present system. He was confident, however, that the adoption of measures calculated to impress the people with confidence in government, would quickly call forth that fond affection of the inhabitants of Ireland to this country, which circumstances might cloud but could not extinguish; inspire that zeal so necessary in the present moment; and furnish those resources which were requisite for the critical situation in which the empire was placed, and the arduous contest in which it was engaged. On these grounds he rested the motion, which was, "That an "humble address be presented to his majesty, praying that he "would be graciously pleased to interpose his paternal and bene"ficent interference to allay the discontents which at present sub"sist in his kingdom of Ireland, and which threaten the dearest "interests of the British empire."

Lord Grenville said, the motion could not be adopted without breaking the solemn contract which had been entered into between the two countries; without tearing asunder every bond of union and connexion, and spreading distraction and division between the members of the British empire. He should, therefore, give his decided opposition to that motion, and every proposition of a similar tendency. The motion was unnecessary, and mischievous. Under the first head he expatiated on the measures that had been taken by his majesty, in the course of a reign of thirty-six years, from year to year, to remove every ground of uneasiness or discontent, which the situation of the Irish presented: the improved state of their commerce; their full enjoyment of civil and religious liberty; the Catholics admitted to the enjoyment of their property; a participation in every civil and social blessing, and even sharing in the right of voting for members of parliament. Nor were the people of Ireland insensible or ungrateful for the benefit they had received: their good dispositions, and contentment with their situation, he inferred from sundry circumstances, particularly their readiness to resist and repel

the threatened invasion. With regard to the mischievous tendency of the motion, such an interference was obviously impro per it was impossible for them to proceed with sufficient information, which lay much more within the reach of their own legislature. The very interference of the British legislature, instead of remedying the discontents which were alleged to prevail, would inflame them. It would induce the people of Ireland to imagine, that their own legislature was indifferent to their welfare, and thus stir up the divisions which it was its object to appease. As the British legislature had given to Ireland the blessings of a free constitution, the best way to fix their attachment to it, was to engage their confidence in its favour. *

Earl Fitzwilliam admitted the improved state of Ireland. But whatever circumstances might have contributed to that prosperity, still there might remain room for something farther to be done. The noble secretary had said, that the people of Ireland were not distracted and discontented, but tranquil and happy. Was it a proof of this that acts of indemnity had been passed in the Irish parliament, for proceedings beyond the law, which must have been called for by a conduct not very consistent with tranquillity. If no circumstances of disorder appeared, why were whole parishes, baronies, and even counties declared to be out of the king's peace? It was likewise stated, in the proceedings of the government in Ireland, that they were in certain districts

On this occasion lord Grenville rendered the following testimony of the grateful and loyal conduct of the Irish Catholics. (3 Par. Deb. p. 101.) "He would desire any one to compare the state of Ireland, as it was left by his * majesty's ancestors, with its present situation. He would ask them to look "at the Catholics, admitted to the exercise of their political rights, and to the "enjoyment of their property, to the participation of every civil and social "blessing, restored to that confidence in themselves which the laws had for"merly destroyed; freely permitted to engage in every species of commerce, " and to apply themselves to every profession of honour and reputation, shar"ing the right of voting for members of parliament; and in their whole conduct manifesting the effects of the benefits they had received in the best * manner in which benefits could operate on the human mind. He would de"sire their lordships to consider their conduct upon the late occasion, when "the enemy, deluded by false representations of the state of Ireland, risked "the last remnant of their fleet, and embarked an inferior army in the rash "hope of being able to succeed in their designs, by the disunion and disaffec"tion of the inhabitants of Ireland. For a proof of the good disposition of "the Catholics upon that occasion, he could refer with pleasure to the unex"ceptionable testimony of the reverend prelates, who worthily shewed them. "selves their guides in religious matters. (Here his lordship read some pas"sages of the circular letter from the Catholic bishop of Cork, which vide in "Appendix, No. CII) Thus it appeared that his majesty's exertions had al"ready been crowned with success; that this success was not perfectly com "plete was a subject of regret; jealousies had appeared in some degree, but they had been conciliated by the benevolence and the paternal care of his majesty. What stronger pledge could be given of his majesty's intention "to persevere in the same course than what he had already done?"