The critical moment of the French retiring from the Irish coast from want of internal co-operation, would have been a fortunate hour to that kingdom, had proper advantage been taken of it, to reclaim the malcontents, and afford that redress which then was generally called for, uprightly and sincerely by most, insidiously and traitorously by some few. It has been avowed by some of the leading characters of that rebellious *union, that after the intended descent had failed, it occurred to some members of the association, and their friends in the city, and to some of the most considerate of the United Irishmen, that one more attempt should be made in favour of parliamentary reform. They hoped, that the terrible warning which had been given by the facility of reaching our coasts, and if the armament had landed, the possibility at least of its succeeding, would have shewn the borough proprietors the necessity of conceding to the popular wish. The storm had dispersed a cloud big with danger, but it might again collect, and the thunder of republic and revolution again roll, and perhaps burst over their heads. This was then judged the best moment to persuade them in the midst of their fears, to a measure strictly counter-revolutionary. On that occa

sion the three memorializing unionists declared, that no greater connexion had ever subsisted between any of the members of the opposition and the United Irishmen, except in that instance, and for the accomplishment of that purpose. In consequence of their joint efforts, a meeting was holden at the Exchange, which declared in favour of the reform, and a proposal of that nature was submitted to parliament. If in the course of that effort for reform it had not become evident, that success was hopeless, it

HENRY III.

1252 Prince Edward, eldest son to the king.

EDWARD III.

September 8th, 1361 Lionel, duke of Lancaster, third son to the king.

1495 Henry, duke of York, second son to the king, afterward Henry VIII.

1498 The same.

* Memoir, p. 18.

was the wish of many among the United Irishmen, and the executive would have gladly embraced the occasion of declining to hold any further intercourse with France, except sending a messenger there to tell them, that the difference between the government and the people had been adjusted, and that they would have no business a second time to attempt a landing.

It is not to be wondered at, that persons, who have taken the desperate step of involving themselves in high treason, should for their iniquitous purposes assume the garb of extraordinary and zealous attachment to the constitution. Thus did Mr. Arthur O'Connor foully impose upon some of the most pure political characters of the age, both in his own country and in Great Britain. It is impossible to acquit him under the consciousness of his own guilt of a malicious intent rather to injure and malign his pretended friends by his intimacy, than to screen his crimes under their virtue. Hitherto he was not known to have proceeded to any overt act by which he could be convicted of guilt. About the end of January, 1797, he wrote and circulated a very inflammatory letter to his fellow citizens upon the general crisis of affairs, and particularly in commendation of the spirit and engagements of the United Irishmen. It produced a strong effect upon the public mind; government took the alarm; Mr. Arthur O'Connor was arrested for it, by an order of the privy council, and closely confined as a state prisoner in the tower.*

On the 6th of January, 1797, Mr. secretary Pelham, in his place, read to the house a message from his excellency, the lord lieutenant, in purport, That his excellency was commanded by his majesty, to acquaint his faithful parliament, with deep concern on the part of his majesty, that his exertions to prevent a farther extension of the miseries of warfare in Europe, by an amicable adjustment of the matters lately pending in discussion with the court of Spain, had failed of success, and terminated, on the part of Spain, by an abrupt and aggressive declaration of war against Great Britain.

The message then adverted to the failure of the negociation with the power executing the government of France, which was also abruptly broken off by that power, without any discussion of the principle or objects proposed as a ground of peace, with peremptory orders for his majesty's ambassador to quit the French territory within forty-eight hours.

The message next recurred to the recent attempt of an enemy's squadron to invade the shores of that country; and while his

In order to shew the progress of the rebellion, and the means by which many were seduced from their allegiance, this letter may be seen in the Ap pendix, No. C.

17 Par. Deb. p. 154.

excellency expressed the deep sense of the spirit, the alacrity, and the loyalty manifested on that occasion, he avowed his majesty's command to declare in his royal name the most favourable sense and highest approbation of the general spirit of loyalty and alacrity, which on that occasion universally actuated his majesty's regular troops, militia, yeomanry corps, and every class of his. faithful subjects; expressing at the same time, that the same tempest, which, providentially for Ireland, proved so destructive to the enemy's squadron, had prevented his fleets from coming time enough to their coasts to complete their ruin, but which, it was hoped, would be effected before they could reach France.

. His majesty, ever zealous for the safety of his kingdom of Ireland, had in readiness to embark for her aid an ample force, had the landing of an enemy rendered it necessary.

Mr. Pelham then gave notice, that he should on the morrow move for a committee of the whole house, to take his excellency's message into consideration. And when on the next day he moved an address to his majesty, for his gracious communication, which as usual re-echoed the several parts of the message, except the last paragraph, which expressed the gratitude of the house for the continuation of lord Camden in the government of country, and their high approbation of his administration.

the

Mr. Grattan said, that the address comprehended a variety of subjects, on which there would probably be no difference of opinion, but to several he could not, for one, perfectly agree. That part, for instance, which related to the failure of the negociation with France, and that relative to the conduct of his majesty's ministers, so far as it concerned the invasion, would certainly not meet with a unanimous approbation. With respect to the invasion, all would indeed agree, that the loyalty, the zeal, and the promptness of the country, deserved even more panegyric than the address bestowed upon it: but why then combine that question, on which all were agreed, with that other question, whether the administration of Great Britain had been equally zealous in affording to Ireland the protection of the British navy? Why combine it with the negociation for peace, in which the sincerity of the minister was at least questionable? He thought it, therefore, necessary to amend the address in these instances; and accordingly moved an amendment: "That this house feel the "highest confidence in his majesty's wishes for the restoration of "peace, and his solicitude for the safety of this kingdom; but "could not implicitly concur, that his majesty's ministers had "been serious in their negociations for that object with France; or that the naval force of Great Britain had been exerted on "the late alarming occasion with due vigilance or activity for the "protection of this kingdom." It was seconded by Mr. William Brabazon Ponsonby.

66

The debate was continued with much heat and some acrimony: it principally bore upon the point of Great Britain's having so totally abandoned the defence of Ireland, even under the avowedly known purpose of the Brest armament, that not one British ship of the line was to be seen off the whole coast of that country. The opposition in parliament had so much dwindled, that upon the division, 7 only voted for Mr. Grattan's amendment, against 90 who opposed it.

Although very beneficial effects might proceed from the appointment of assistant barristers to attend the sessions, which gave to government a new patronage of about 13,000l. per annum, under the civil bill act of the last session, yet the gentlemen of the opposition within, and most of the popular party without the walls of parliament, inveighed against the establishment, as calculated more for a ministerial job, than for utility to the country: and on the 13th of February, 1797, Mr. William Smith, upon the report of an intended appointment of a country gentlemen to fill a vacancy in the county of Wexford, who was no practising barrister, made a long speech upon the subject. He was, he said, particularly called upon to advert to this threatened violation of a clause in that act, because he had taken a share in its introduction.* Upon a reply from the solicitor general, which imported, that the person alluded to would not be appointed, the matter passed over.

Sir Lawrence Parsons, than whom no man looked more earnestly to the strength, honour, and support of his country, complained, on the 20th of February, that pledged as he stood to bring forward on that day a proposition for the defence of the kingdom at that critical period, he could not justify to himself or his constituents any further delay. Sir John Blaquiere then observed, that forty four days had passed, since the enemy had quitted their ports, and that the addition of another day's delay would be but a small sacrifice. He made the strongest eulogium on what sir Lawrence Parsons had said; that it was a spirit like his would save the country, but was happy that he had acceded to the adjournment, having the greatest reliance on what might be expected from the wisdom and talents of Mr. Pelham, on the following day.

Then Mr. G. Ponsonby gave notice of his intention to bring forward, on the first open day, a question for investigating the steps taken by his majesty's ministers for the defence of this country,

17 Par. Deb. p. 305. The clause empowered the lord lieutenant to appoint either a barrister of six years standing and actually practising at the time of appointment, or who had actually practised for six years, and was not actually retired for more than two years from practising in his majesty's courts in Dublin.

previously to, and during the late attempt of invasion, and to move for certain documents preparatory to the inquiry. To which, by the desire of the attorney general, he, after a short preface, moved: “That an humble address be presented to the "lord lieutenant, praying that his excellency would be pleased ❝ to order to be laid before the house extracts of such communi❝cations as had been received by government from his grace the "duke of Portland, between the first of August last, and the "20th of December, relative to an invasion of that country."

Mr. Pelham opposed the motion, because it appeared to him impossible, that such papers could be made public without communicating to the enemy a knowledge of many things, which it would be highly improper they should be informed of. He was willing to allow, and indeed the speech of his excellency on the opening of the session had declared, that administration had intelligence of the intended invasion so early as the beginning of October last. He thought this would be considered as a sufficient ground for the honourable member on which to found his inquiry, without seeking to disclose the correspondence of govern

ment.

Mr. Ponsonby contended, that it was of much importance to learn whether government had not full information on this subject, so early as the beginning of August, three months before the opening of the session, within which period they had ample opportunity of putting the country into a state of defence. But in order to obviate the objection of the right honourable member, he would be content if the right honourable member would state to the house, at what time government first had notice of the intended descent; to which request Mr. Pelham made no reply, and the question was put, and negatived without a division.

Mr. Ponsonby then moved, successively, that addresses should be presented to his excellency, praying him to lay before the house,

"An account of the number of effective troops in the province "of Munster, on the 20th of December last :" and "An ac"count of the number of effective troops of the line, and in the "regiments of militia and fencibles in this kingdom, on the 20th " of December last:" and "An account of the cannon fit for "service on the same day, also the quantity of ammunition in "the magazines, and the quantity of camp equipage and arms "fit for immediate service.""

Each of these motions was opposed, as tending to disclose the situation of the country, and create discontent and fear in the public mind.