ranks of people, under whose auspicious administration, and the talents and integrity of those gentlemen who aided his councils, the people of Ireland were taught to expect the adoption of measures the most salutary for their happiness, conciliation, and prosperity. He trusted that if it were, the right honourable and honourable members opposite to him, who possessed the confidence of government, would say so candidly, and that they would go still further, and state also the cause.

Pausing a minute and receiving no immediate answer, sir Lawrence added, he was sorry to be obliged to construe the silence of the right honourable and honourable gentlemen into a confirmation of this rumour; and he deplored most deeply the event, which, at the present time, must tend to throw alarming doubts on the promises, which had been held out to the people, of measures to be adopted for the promotion of their happiness, the conciliation of their minds, and the common attachment of every class of his majesty's faithful subjects of Ireland, in sup port of the same happy constitution. If those measures were now to be relinquished, which gentlemen had promised with so much confidence to the country, and on the faith of which, the house had been called on to vote the enormous sum of one million seven hundred thousand pounds, he must consider his country as brought to the most awful and alarming crisis she had ever known in any period of her history.

If the rumoured resignation of earl Fitzwilliam arose from any new restriction on his wishes to realize the professions of his administration, or to fill his high station with honour, his resignation reflected the highest lustre on the dignity of his nature and the purity of his principles; but as he still hoped measures had not proceeded to that length, which must deprive this country at so awful, so interesting, and so critical a period, of the auspices of a nobleman, who came the harbinger and the hostage of her political salvation, he thought the best measure to be adopted was to move for an address to his excellency to implore his continuance amongst them. He had on the spur of the occasion drawn heads of an address for the purpose; to the form or wording of which he had no partial attachment, but should submit it to such alteration and amendment as the house should think proper to adopt.

Mr. Duquery seconded the motion, and entered on a striking but gloomy picture of the situation of his country, under circumstances so truly to be deprecated as the departure of earl Fitzwilliam, and the defeat of those measures which were to have been the pride and glory of his administration, and most likely the salvation of the country. The rumour had already thrown a gloom over the public countenance, and cast a despondency in

to the popular bosom, and he could not reflect, but with sorrow and alarm, on the consequence which might follow the going forth of those circumstances to the country.

He justified himself and the honourable baronet from the idea (which he disdained) of a peevish opposition. He confessed he and the honourable baronet differed from gentlemen on the other side of the house respecting a ruinous war, and in some points of taxation, which bore heavily on the poor; but they had, however, agreed in all that they conceived necessary to the prosperity and happiness of the country, and the exigencies of the govern ment; but if after voting the enormous supply of 1,700,000l. to save, if possible, the empire from destruction, they were to be deprived of the administration of the nobleman, to whom the people looked up with confidence, he feared the great and salutary measures of reform, retrenchment, and responsibility, would vanish, and the Catholics of Ireland, instead of the accomplishment of their hopes, would have the gate of the castle slapped in their faces, and be refused the blessings of the constitution.

He made severe observations on Mr. Pitt's conduct, who, not satisfied with having involved the empire in a disastrous war, intended to complete the mischief by risking the internal peace of Ireland, making the friends of that country the dupes of his fraud and artifice, in order to swindle the nation out of 1,700,000/ to support the war, on the faith of measures which it now seemed were to be refused.

Mr. George Ponsonby hoped it would not be imputed to any idea of disrespect, if he declined to answer the question touching an alleged rumour, and hoped he should be excused for moving the order of the day; the subject was delicate; no man in that house was authorised to admit or contradict the rumour; the house had not any cognizance on the matter to warrant parliamentary proceeding; a day would come, and was not far distant, when he, for one, should have no objection to answer any questions; he suggested the prudence of withdrawing the motion for the present, to which

Sir Lawrence Parsons acceded.

On the 2d of March, sir Lawrence Parsons made a very violent speech, in which he severely reprobated the conduct of the British cabinet, with reference to earl Fitzwilliam. But the great object of the motion he meant to make, was to calm the public mind, to give the people an assurance, that the measures which were proposed, would not be abandoned; that the parliament would keep the means in their hands until they were accomplished; and that they would not be prorogued until they were fairly and fully discussed. He did not pretend to say specifically what these measures were. The first he believed to be the Catholic

bill; and if a resistance to any one measure more than another was likely to promote dreadful consequences it was this. He said nothing as to the original propriety of the measure; but this much he would say, that if the Irish administration had countenanced the Catholics in this expectation, without the concurrence of the British cabinet, they had much to answer for. On the other hand, if the British cabinet had held out an assent, and had afterwards retracted; if the dæmon of darkness should come from the infernal regions upon earth, and throw a firebrand amongst the people, he could not do more to promote mischief. The hopes of the public were raised, and in one instant they were blasted. If the house did not resent that insult to the nation and to themselves, they would in his mind be most contemptible; for although a majority of the people might submit to have their rights withheld, they would never submit to be mocked in so barefaced a manner. The case was not as formerly, when all the parliament of Ireland was against the Catholics; and to back them, the force of England. Now, although the claim of the Catholics was well known and understood, not one petition controverting it had been presented from Protestants in any part of Ireland. No remonstrance appeared, no county meeting had been held. What was to be inferred from all this, but that the sentiments of the Protestants were for the emancipation of the Catholics? A meeting was held on Saturday last at the Royal Exchange of the merchants and traders of the metropolis, which was as numerously attended as the limits of that building would admit. The governor of the bank of Ireland was in the chair. An address was resolved on to his excellency lord Fitzwilliam, full of affection, and resolutions strong as they could be in countenance of the Catholic claim. He would ask them, was the British minister to control all the interests, talents, and inclinations in that country? He protested to God, that in all the history he had read, he had never met with a parallel of such ominous infatuation as that by which he appeared to be led. "Let him persevere," said he, "and you must increase your army to myriads; every man must have five or "six dragoons in his house." He moved, "that the words in "the money bill (then before the house) the 25th of March, "1796, should be expunged, and the words 25th of May in"serted in their room."

Mr. Tighe, junior, in a few words approved of the sentiments delivered by the honourable baronet, and seconded his motion.

Mr. Conolly complimented the honourable baronet upon the able manner in which he had brought forward the question. If he should not hear something very satisfactory, he would cer tainly vote for the motion.

The chancellor of the exchequer and Mr. Monk Mason most severely reprobated the motion, as contravening the principles of the very gentlemen who supported it. It was a motion fraught with inconsistency, mischief, and danger. Several gentlemen spoke with great warmth upon the subject on both sides. Mr. Duquery was very pointed on the conduct of the British cabinet. He intreated the treasury bench not to interfere, but to leave gentlemen to the impulse of their honest feelings. He had long watched the British cabinet, and had ever discerned in it a strong propensity to treat Ireland with insult and contempt. It had done so in 1779, and 1783, and was brought to reason by a short money bill. He pledged himself, that if tried a third time it would succeed. Lord Milton called upon the house to go along with him in the delicate situation in which he stood, and in con ́sideration of the painful sensations of his mind. It was not for him to go into the motives of gentlemen in their actions, as had been done in the course of the debate; it was sufficient for him, to hear their arguments and reasoning, and upon these grounds to form his opinion. But he must say at once, that it was impossible for him to assent to a motion so fraught with danger to the whole empire. What inducement could be so tempting to the Frenchmen to endeavour to land on our coasts as a short money bill? What greater damp could be thrown upon their military arrangements than to find them two months hence as backward as they then were, which must be a consequence if the motion should pass, by retarding the recruiting service. What stronger encouragement could be given to incendiaries, if incendiaries there were in the country, than for the House of Commons to withhold the supplies from government? Seeing so much loyalty, so much spirit, so much attachment to the crown on the commencement of the session, at every part of the house, he was surely safe in relying upon the feelings of gentlemen, and trusting to their moderation. However high the character of the nobleman at the head of the government, however respected, and justly respected, and elevated his rank, if that consideration should weigh against the public cause, he should be very sorry, he should be very much mortified and utterly disappointed.

Towards the close of a long debate Mr. Conolly proposed a mediation or composition: not but that he considered a three months money bill, and one for nine months afterwards, as good security as one for a year. He insisted, that the strength of Ireland lay in its confidence in the present administration. speaker wished Mr. Conolly not to press his compromise, and the house divided, 24 for and 146 against sir Lawrence Parson's motion. Mr. Conolly then proposed three resolutions: "1. That

The

"his excellency earl Fitzwilliam, had, by his conduct since his "arrival in that kingdom, merited the thanks of that house and "the confidence of the people. 2. That to prorogue the parlia "ment before the grievances of which the people complained "were redressed, would be highly inexpedient. 3. That the "foregoing resolutions be laid before his majesty." The first of these resolutions was carried unanimously; the two other, at the instance of lord Milton and Mr. Grattan,* were withdrawn. On the next day the speaker reported to the house his excellency's answer to the resolution of the preceding day: viz. " that it gave "him infinite satisfaction to find by that unanimous resolution, "that his public conduct since his arrival in that kingdom, had "appeared to them to be deserving of their thanks, and to enti"tle him to the confidence of the people." On the 10th of March, the house adjourned to the 24th, when the money bills were carried up to the lords,† and the house then further ad

* 15 Par. Deb. p. 142. It was an unprecedented singularity, that Mr. Grattan should have assisted at a debate of so much importance, and so interesting to his feelings, without joining in it. Although it must be presumed, that the bent of his opinion was for a short money bill, yet the sympathizing respect for the lord lieutenant held him back, lest it should be objected, that the objects they contended for, were men, not measures; and that rather than fail, they were ready to obstruct the business and counteract the welfare of the nation. Mr. Barrington, who opposed the motion, not inaptly represented the government in an unexampled situation: officers without offices, and ministers without place or responsibility; with particular allusion to Mr. Grattan.

The following was the speech on delivering the money bills: "The "commons attend your excellency with their supplies, which go to the utmost "extent of every estimate and desire laid before them by his majesty's minis"ters, and are much larger than have been ever granted in any one session; "but it is their determined resolution at all times to stand or fall with Great "Britain; and that resolution is now, if possible, still more strengthened by "every circumstance of foreign and internal consideration in these eventful "times, they therefore feel it their duty, their interest, and their anxious "wish, to support the empire through the present unprovoked and destruc"tive war, with all that is most dear to them, their lives and fortunes.

"In their appropriation of these supplies, they have shewn their early at"tention to the sure and national strength of the British empire, her navy, by "granting 200,0001. for procuring seamen; and they have provided for aug"menting the militia, an institution which, by the indefatigable exertions "both of men and officers, is the admiration, and will be the salvation of this "kingdom.

"It is owing to the unexampled prosperity and growing resources of the "nation, that they now offer to his majesty, without laying much additional "burthen on the people, or lessening those bounties and pecuniary encou"ragements under which trade and manufactures have increased and are in"creasing, and the same causes have allowed them, amidst these liberal sup"plies, to gratify his majesty's paternal benevolence, and their own anxious "feelings, by relieving all the poorer classes from the tax of hearth-money. "Satisfied, however, that those resources and that prosperity cannot be "permanent without an effectual attention to the sobriety of the people, to their morals, and peaceable subordination to the laws, they have, by an ar