of the French revolution, and not slightly provoked by their diffidence in the sincerity of some of the leading members of the opposition in the cause of reform. This latter motive worked particularly upon the society after Mr. Grattan's severe reprobation of their system of reform in the House of Commons. The rage for political discussion, the passing of the convention bill, and the rejection of the question of reform, coupled with the confinement of Mr. H. Rowan, his subsequent charge of high treason, the committal of Mr. Jackson for the like offence, supposed to be implicated with him in the same treason, the forcible dissolution of the society, all tended to dispose some of the most violent members to carry their thoughts beyond the words or meaning of their test or original institution. Aware of having brought upon themselves their own destruction by the openness of their discussion and publicity of their proceedings, those who had further views set their minds upon forming new societies upon the basis of secrecy, which gave rise to that Irish Union, whose proceedings and progress it will be our duty to detail.

Towards the end of the year 1794, the turbulent state of the country had so alarmed the government, that the British cabinet had found it necessary to remove the earl of Westmoreland, who had either brought, or permitted the kingdom to be brought to that deplorable situation. It was allowed on all hands, that the officers of the crown were unable with their utmost rigour to restore tranquillity. The premier was particularly affected with this melancholy prospect of the sister kingdom: the continuance of an expensive war rendered Ireland a peculiar object of his most serious speculations, not only for recruiting and victualling the army and navy, but also for aiding the finance. He had formed the project of calling upon the Irish parliament to raise such a sum of money, as had never been voted in that country: and he well knew the liberal and grateful disposition of the Irish, whom justice and kindness would bring to any concession or sacrifice whatever. He saw it necessary to abandon the system of coercion, and to adopt healing measures by forming a popular administration, which should by prudent concession attach the affections, that were likely to be estranged from the cause of the empire by a continuance of coercive severity. No man was ever more sensible of the importance of Ireland to the British empire than Mr. Pitt: no man was ever more intimately convinced, that justice, liberality, and kindness to the Irish, could alone insure the full energies and powers of that people, in the cordial service of the British empire.

In order to account for the change in the Irish administration, it is requisite to recur to the extraordinary movements, which had previously taken place in the administration of Great Britain.

The formal accession of a very large part of the Rockingham party to the minister, in the month of July, 1794, was an event differently viewed and differently accounted for by the several persons who, undertook to consider it according to their respective sentiments at that critical period.* It was an event big with more importance than any in the modern history of the British empire. In the House of Lords, the duke of Portland, earls Fitzwilliam, Spencer, and other leaders of the Rockingham party; in the commons, Messrs. Burke, Wyndham, and many of that party, brought so much accession of strength to the minister, that those who remained staunch to all their original principles, and were neither allured, persuaded nor intimidated to change their principles or conduct, were not without some acrimonious petulancy, termed by Mr. Burke the dwindled phalanx of opposition. These new supporters of the ministers, like all proselytes, shewed extraordinary fervour in the cause which had worked their conversion. In the month of July, 1794, they were admitted into a coalition of power: an arrangement of such magnitude required much time to settle, after the parties had formally ranged themselves in the ministerial ranks. The duke of Portland was graced with a blue ribband, and created a third

So widely different are the opinions of what Mr. Burke called the Old and the New Whigs, upon this singular event, that no narrative can acquire credit, but the evidence of the parties themselves. Lord Fitzwilliam, speaking of the war with France, which had been expressly undertaken, though in his opinion too tardily, to restore order to France, and effect the destruction of the abominable system, that prevailed in that country, said (45 P. D. p. 133), Upon this understanding it was, that he bad separated from some of those "with whom he had long acted in politics, and with other noble friends had * lent his aid to his majesty's ministers: upon this understanding he had filled "that situation, which he had some time since held in his majesty's cabinet." To the war question alone did the duke of Portland refer his motives for sup porting the ministers. (39 P. D. p. 13) "He had at the beginning acknow"ledged his opinion of the justice and necessity of the war, and he was then *(Jan. 1794) more convinced of both. He thought it the duty of every man "to concur in strengthening the hand of government, as a vigorous prosecution "of the war appeared to him the only means of saving the country, and bring"ing the war to an honourable and favourable issue. He should therefore "give his support to ministers." Of this support Mr. Pelham thus expressed himself in the Irish House of Commons on the 21st of April, 1795, (15 P. D. p. 184) “As a friend of the Duke of Portland, he took the liberty of saying, "that his grace and his friends after having long opposed Mr. Pitt on principle, did on principle at length support him, (and p. 190) and as like men they "opposed him on principle, so now like men they supported him on principle, "and they shared in office, that they might share in responsibility." I have alluded to these avowals of some out of the many of the Rockingham party, who at that time gave their support to government, merely to shew the grounds of that change, which affected the question of war exclusively. Some of them did, and all of them professed to retain their former principles upon all matters of internal regulation unconnected with the war. One prominent object, upon which they professed to maintain their old principles and feelings, was the establishment of a fair and firm government in Ireland.

VOL. IV.

secretary of state; earl Fitzwilliam was made president of the council; lord Spencer, privy seal; Mr. Wyndham, secretary at war; and the earl of Mansfield a member extraordinary of the cabinet. The public was informed by Mr. Ponsonby in the Irish House of Commons,t that the coalition between the duke of Portland and Mr. Pitt would never have taken place, had not his grace received ample authority to reform the abuses which existed in the Irish government; but Mr. Pelham repeated twice in that debate, that they had coalesced without any stipulation whatsoever. Upon this important fact, there is however the very strong testimony of the noble lord himself, that has hitherto been uncontradicted notwithstanding the numerous debates and publications upon this delicate and important subject. "When the duke of Portland and his friends were to be entered into a coalition with Mr. Pitt's administration, it was necessary to hold out such allures as would make the coalition palatable or even possible for them to accede to. If the general management and superintendance of Ireland had not been offered to his grace, that coalition could never have taken place; the sentiments that he entertained, and the language he had held so publicly, for years back, on the subject, rendered the superintendance of Irish affairs a point that could not be dispensed with by him. It was become of absolute necessity, that it should be transferred to his management; and accordingly, it was offered from the beginning of the negociation, as was also the home department of secretary of state. Ask the duke of Portland when he accepted the management of Ireland, if he did it under any restrictions whatever. Ask him, if he pressed it upon me under any, and if he did not propose and recommend to me to lay out immediately for making such arrangements in the government, as would enable me to restore peace, tranquillity and order in the country; and as would reconcile the general mass of the people to its government.

"But the instant we had proclaimed our acceptance of office, then the scene began to open; then it was first discovered, that the object of all this mighty work was not to strengthen administration by an accession of character, but to debase, degrade, and disgrace that character. No sooner had I declared my acceptance of the lieutenancy of Ireland, than delay interposed, and soon doubts and difficulties arose. It is a matter of public

Of a similar creation Mr. Burke once said (speech on economy 'bill), “it "was made for the mere convenience of the arrangements of political intrigue, "and not for the service of the state: it was made in order to give a colour to "an exorbitant increase of the civil list, and in the same act to bring a new accession to the loaded compost heap of corrupt influence."

† 15 Par. Deb. p. 184.

Lord Fitzwilliam's letter to lord Carlisle.

notoriety in this country, that Mr. Pitt assured lord Westmoreland, as early as August, that he should not be removed; and I know, that I could bring evidence to prove, that, in the course of the autumn, he pointed out lord Camden as the person, who he intended should succeed my predecessor.

"So fully determined was the British cabinet to bring forward the question of Catholic emancipation in the next session of par liament, that on the day of the duke of Portland's kissing hands, which was in July, 1794, that measure was adopted." It then was generally believed in Ireland, that the government of that country would be again committed to his grace: and all the old friends with whom he had acted, when he was lord lieutenant before, and whom it was concluded, he would again call to his councils, expressed their full conviction, that a full and complete emancipation was intended; and we have the express authority of that respectable though short-lived viceroy, that he knew his grace's opinions at that time coincided with those of his Irish friends. In order to the settlement of these new arrangements, Mr. Ponsonby and Mr. Grattan were sent for to England; and the particular marshalling of the treasury bench was settled by sir John Parnell and Mr. Pitt. From the first idea of new modelling the government of Ireland, it had been the intention of the duke of Portland, that Mr. Ponsonby should be the attorney general, and therefore his grace desired lord Fitzwilliam would send for him to England to consult upon the arrangement and plan of his government: and Mr. Pitt also admitted him several times to consultations upon their arrangements of measures..... The convention bill, which had passed in the preceding session, had put an end to any further meetings by delegation: but several friends and supporters of particular favourite objects, such as Catholic emancipation and parliamentary reform, held frequent and very numerous meetings, to consult upon the means of effectuating their wishes: the want of delegation increased the numbers of the individuals, who took part in these consultations. The effect of them, with reference to the Catholic question, was a thorough reconciliation of the whole body, and a vigorous co-operation in the common cause of complete emancipation and equalization with their Protestant brethren.† The

* Lord Fitzwilliam's letter to lord Carlisle.

Lord Fitzwilliam in the letter before cited informs us, that from the 8th of January (he landed on the 4th) he unremittingly applied himself to the collecting of further information. "I had heard," said he," that the com"mittee had prepared an address for me; before I should receive it, I wished "to know the opinion of those whom the committee called seceders, the noble“men, and principal landed gentlemen of that persuasion.

"In a letter of the 15th of January, I acquainted the secretary of state of "the result of these inquiries, and of the progress of the business subsequent

universally credited report of the patronage and government of Ireland falling unto the duke of Portland and his friends, raised their confidence to conviction, that what had in the preceding session been lost by a vast majority, would, when backed by government, be carried with perfect unanimity, unless the two opposers of their bill in 1793 should still persist in their inveteracy. Under these strong prepossessions, after much deliberation it was found to be the unanimous sense of the Catholic body to commit their cause to the talents, zeal, and long-tried sincerity of Mr. Grattan: and in December, 1794, a resolution to that effect was published,* and their example was followed up by most "to my former letters. I told him, that, in the absence of the nobleman, who "was considered as the head of the seceders, I had sent for a person of the "most tried and acknowledged moderation amongst them, and of the first consequence and property. I found by him (what the nobleman above al"luded to afterwards confirmed) that he, and every person of his description, "were in perfect unison with the committee; that they all decidedly looked "to the same object; that they were determined never to lose sight of "it; that provided it should be obtained, they had no objection that Mr. Byrne, " or any other member of the committee, should have the honour of taking "the lead in it."

66

CATHOLICS OF DUBLIN.

At a numerous and respectable meeting of the Catholics of the city of Dublin, held at the Star and Garter, in Essex-street, on Tuesday, December the 23d, 1794.

EDWARD BYRNE, esq. in the chair,

Mr. Richard M'Cormick having been requested to act as secretary to the meeting, the following resolutions were unanimously agreed to, and ordered to be published:

"Resolved unanimously, That it is the opinion of this meeting, that an "humble application be made to parliament, in the ensuing session, praying "for a total repeal of the penal and restrictive laws, still affecting the Catho"lics of Ireland.

"Resolved unanimously, That a committee of nine be appointed to prepare a petition to that effect, and report the same to this meeting forthwith; and "the following gentlemen were named on said committee:

"Mr. Byrne, Mr. Braughall, Mr. Sweetman, Mr. M'Cormick, Dr. Ryan, "Mr. M Neven, Mr. Hamill, Mr. Keogh. And the said gentlemen having "reported, and the petition so prepared being read over, paragraph by para. "graph, and agreed to, it was

"Resolved unanimously, That we do recommend said petition to be adopted, as the petition of the Catholics of the city of Dublin.

"Resolved unanimously, That we do most earnestly recommend to the "Catholics of Ireland, to prepare and transmit similar petitions; and that, "in order thereto, the gentlemen above named be instructed to take the most "speedy and effectual steps, for circulating copies of this day's proceedings "through the different counties and great cities throughout the kingdom, and "also the several parishes of the city of Dublin, for the purpose of ensuring "that unanimity and co-operation, which has been hitherto found so beneficial "to the Catholics' interest.

"Resolved unanimously, That the right honourable Henry Grattan be re"quested to present the petition of the Catholics of Dublin to the House of "Commons on the approaching meeting of parliament.

"Resolved unanimously, That the above committee do prepare an address "of congratulation, to be presented to his excellency earl Fitzwilliam, on his "arrival in this kingdom. And the gentlemen having prepared an address, and reported accordingly, it was