tion be a monitress against the vices of a republic, let the causes which produced that convention be an admonition against the abuses of monarchy. France would reform nothing until abuses accumulated, and government was swept away in a deluge, until an armed force redressed the state, and then, as will be generally the case, united on becoming the government. It was not a progress from reformation to innovation, but from one modification of a military government, that is, of one anarchy to another; in principle, therefore, the case of France did not apply, in policy still less; for if there were an attempt to introduce the rebellious graces of a republic into these countries, the best precaution was to discountenance them by the sober attractions of a limited monarchy, and the worst precaution was to preserve all the abuses of the latter, to pre-engage men against the vices of the former.

Several other gentlemen spoke largely and warmly upon the subject. Sir Lawrence Parsons was violent for the bill; he would not give a silent vote, though he very pertinently observed, that whatever might be said that night upon the subject, would not make the people less desirous to obtain a reform on one side, or the majority of that house more willing to adopt it on the other. About midnight they divided upon sir Hercules Langrishe's motion for reading the bill on the 2d of August, when there appeared for it 142, against it 44. Thus ended the cause

of parliamentary reform.

The 25th of March put an end to this jejune session of parliament. His excellency's speech to both houses was expressive of the cordial pleasure his majesty felt in the loyalty of his people of Ireland, and the affectionate determination they had always shewn to stand or fall with Great Britain. In the contest in which they were engaged, by the unprovoked aggression of France, measures of the most vigorous nature continued to be requisite, and his majesty would persevere in his exertions, in conjunction with his allies, against the common enemy.

He applauded their wisdom in passing an act for preserving the property within that kingdom of persons resident in France from becoming the plunder of those who had usurped the government of that unhappy country. It was particularly their duty to support the security of private property, and to maintain the principles of justice, when doctrines had been advanced, and attempts endeavoured to be carried into execution for the destruction of both.

He was sorry to inform them, that in some parts of the county of Cork, the people, deluded by the artifices of wicked and designing men, had assembled in numerous bodies, and had com

* 14 Par. Deb. p. 100.

pelled many to take unlawful oaths. The timely exertions of the magistrates, aided by the spirited conduct of his majesty's regular militia forces, had nearly suppressed those disturbances. No attention should be wanting on his part to the protection of the peaceable and industrious, and to the punishment of offenders against the law, and especially of those who had instigated the ignorant to the commission of such dangerous crimes.

In the warmth of party it has too frequently been a practice to attempt to identify their political opponents with the most degraded and wicked of the community; this practice is malevolent and mischievous in the extreme. It then was and unfortunately

since has been the study of a certain description of persons in Ireland, and some of no mean pretensions, to connect the views, spirit and principles of the minority in parliament and the Whig club with the societies of United Irishmen, and other such popu lar institutions. A notable instance of their radical difference occurred in the course of this session. The society of United Irishmen of Dublin had amongst other publications upon the subject of parliamentary reform strongly inculcated the necessity of annual parliaments and universal suffrage; which Mr. Grattan, in his speech upon Mr. Ponsonby's bill, most severely reprobated* and exposed to derision and scorn.

14 Par. Deb. p. 80. "Worse even than the abuses so defended is a "plan I have seen for their reformation-personal or individual representation. "The principle of such a plan is a complete, avowed, and unqualified departure from the vital and fundamental article of the British constitution, in "practice and in theory; and I must say, such an outset requires no small "degree of mischievous and senseless temerity. With equal folly does this plan violate the dearest rights of man, for if there be one right of man in"tirely indisputable, it is that which gives to the individual in particular, and "the community in general, the fruits of his and their industry; thus the passenger through your field, or the labourer on your farm, has no right to "make rules for the management of the same, nor have the aggregate of "labourers or of non-proprietors a right to make rules or ordinances for the "land, farms, or trade of the community.

"This reasoning applies very strongly to the case of Ireland, because it ap"peared on the hearth-money survey of the last year, that those who were to "be exempted from the hearth-money for want of property were more than "half of our inhabitants. It was besides insisted on by the objectors to re"form on the principle of property, that such a principle excluded the majo"rity; it follows, that the plan, which gives votes to all the inhabitants, and gives away to that majority the fruits of the industry of the community, "gives away the estate of the landholder, the farm of the freeholder, the "lease of the leaseholder, and the trade of the citizen, to be ordered and "disposed of by a majority, who are confessed to have neither estate, nor "farm, nor lease, nor trade. That is the plan that robs the individual and "the community of the fruits of their industry, and destroys the representa"tion of property. Under the pretence of establishing a representation of "existence, it destroys a principle which is real and sacred, to establish a "concert which is affected and nonsensical.

"But is is not merely to those who have neither farm, freehold, nor trade, "that this plan extends the right of voting,-it gives the return of members

It appears from an address of this society to the people of Ireland, which was published as widely as possible, what their avowed sentiments were of the gentlemen of the opposition, and particularly of Mr. Grattan, the leader of that party. Hitherto

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"to serve in parliament to all the common soldiers, to the resident army, "horse, foot and dragoons—to the police-to the scavenger. It goes farther, "it gives that right to all hospitals-to almsmen-to Channel row-and every "beggar-man in the kingdom of Ireland. It goes farther, it gives that right "to every criminal-White Boys that break laws, and Defenders who steal arms; and would thus present you with a representation of felony as well as "of paupers. To such a monstrous constitution, whose phrenzy, folly, and "wickedness, must excite at once your scorn and horror, the objection is not merely that such persons would be represented, but the persons who have no property in land, lease, freehold, or trade, being confessedly the majo"rity, it follows under such a plan that such persons alone would be repre"sented, and that the landholder, leaseholder, farmer and tradesman, con"fessedly the minority with their one vote only, this plan allows them no "more, would not be represented at all; it follows, that those who have "nothing in land, lease, farm, or trade, would return the parliament; that is, "those who had nothing in the common stock would make the laws, and the "men who receive alms would vote the taxes. You held the Catholic to be "a slave when his property was taxed without his consent by the Protestant; "the plan of personal representation does away the franchise of the Catholic "bill, and taxes both Protestant and Catholic without the consent of either, "by introducing a new set of voters who shall out-number both; a body who "have not with respect to you, like the Catholics in property, a common, but "have a distinct and opposite interest, and are not politically the same, but "essentially different; a body which puts nothing into the common stock, and "is to take every thing out of it; some of them are the objects of your cha"rity, others the objects of your justice, and all of them now invited to be"come instruments of mischief and members of government. A plan, which "insults the beggar with a power in the state, and which robs the people of "their influence in the constitution, which goes against the rights of man and "the principles of the British constitution, which destroys all the counties; "which takes away from every citizen and freeholder one vote by regulation, "and extinguishes by the voice and votes of the multitude the effect of the "other; and which by its direct and indirect operation, taken together, dis"franchises all the property in the kingdom, with such electors as have none, "and whose condition alone however subdivided their multitude, would make "an election a riot; with such an unqualified rout the plan of personal repre"sentation becomes more alarming by doubling the number of electors and "making the parliament annual; that is, by diminishing the franchise and "doubling the confusion, afterward making that confusion eternal, so that in"stead of 150 elections once in eight years, we should have every year 300 "elections.

Suppose a potwalloping borough without even the restraint of a potwal"loping qualification; suppose an election, of which Swords gives you an or"derly and tranquil image, multiplied into 300 instances, and blazing out every year at the same moment in every part of the kingdom; trade, industry, government, order, liberty, external consequence and internal repose, in "short, young Ireland what must be your lot, while the business of your legislation, your trade and your agriculture stand still to give way to this "universal canvas and universal disorder, to this permanent intoxication and "revolutionary riot?

"To destroy the influence of landed property is the object of individual re"presentation, but its immediate effect would be to extinguish the people. "The rich might for a time make a struggle; they might in some places buy

the United Irishmen were bounden by no secret oath, nor any criminal or illegal tie. Their address was published ten days after the debate on the introduction of Mr. Ponsonby's bill of reform. They first gave a specimen of their own doctrines upon the subject, they then very freely express their opinions of Mr. Grattan, and the minority in parliament." It is said, that "the tower classes of the community, being without property, "have no stake in the country, and therefore ought not to vote "for any part of the legislature. In consequence of the repre"sentative system, every man is supposed to be either indivi"dually or by his delegate, a party to making the laws by which "he is to be bound. The elective right cannot therefore be de"nied, on constitutional principle, to any one: even the poorest "should be allowed the exercise of that right, as they are bound "by law as well as others.

"Laws operate on life, liberty, and property. Why is pro"perty represented? because it is valuable to the possessor, and "may be affected by the law. Why should liberty and life not "be represented? Are they not more valuable to their possessor, and may they not also be affected by the law? Since liberty "and life are the most important objects of legislation, the poor

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"a mob, who by such a plan would be all electors; they might beset the "hustings with their retainers, who by such a plan would be all electors; or "they might purchase the votes of that great body of electors introduced by "such a plan into the constitution, all the beggars in the neighbourhood., "The minister too, for the short time such a plan suffered, king or minister, "could, in the corrupt confusion of such election, preserve some influence by "the application of the treasury and the command of the army, he could have "all the swords and votes of all the common soldiers. But the farmer and "the citizen could have none of those advantages, and indeed what farmer or "citizen would go to the hustings of a medley of offenders met on a plan, "where bayonets, bludgeons and whisky, elected the House of Commons? "In the mean time the respect which the landlord and candidate now pay to "the farmer and to the citizen would be at an end, and instead of resorting "to the farmer for his vote and interest, the 'squire would go to the farmer's "dung-yard and canvas the boys of his lawn, who would have more votes, "though neither farm nor freehold; the consequence of the citizen would be "at an end also, and instead of going to his shop to ask the tradesman for his "vote, the candidate would apply to the beggar on the bridge, or the sca"venger in the kennel, or to the hospitals or Channel-row, and those places "where the poor are now wisely supplied with bread, instead of being intoxi"cated with hand-bills, offering, in the place of bread, the hopes of returning "the parliament, and becoming a third constitutive part of the legislature. "Such would be the state of election under this plan of personal represen"tation, which from a revolution of power would speedily lead to a revolution "of property, and become a plan of plunder as well as a scene of confusion; "for if you transfer the power of the state to those who have nothing in the "country; they will afterwards transfer the property, and annex it once more "to the power in their own persons; give them your power and they will give "themselves your property; of such a representation as this plan would pro"vide, the first ordinance would be robbery, accompanied with the circum"stance incidental to robbery-murder."

"er class have a right to some control over the legislature, and "it is just they should exercise it. The spirit of many of our laws "is aristocratic, and by no means calculated for the protection "of the poor.

"If the lower classes of the community had been represented "in parliament, when their necessities first urged them to in"surrection and outrage, under the denomination of White Boys "and Defenders, parliament would have inquired into and re"dressed their grievances, instead of making laws to punish "them with death.

"The poorest man in the land pays taxes for his fire, his can"dle, for his potatoes and clothing; and the poorer he is, the "( greater occasion he has for a vote to protect what little he has, "which is necessary not to his qualification merely, but to his "very existence. He has a property in his labour, and in the "value it will bring in the market, the field, or the manufactory; 66 a property, on account of its smallness, of more real value to "him than thousands of pounds to the rich and luxurious; a (( property, which must render him more interested in the hon"est disposal of the public money, since one additional tax may "crush him, than those can be who receive that public money by virtue of places without employment, and pension without "merit.

"Property is merely the collection of labour, it possesses the "very same qualities before, as after it is collected into a heap; "and the labour of the lowest rank is as real, and ought to be "as really represented as the most fixed and solid property.

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Opposition seemed surprised, that the people should view "their debates with indifference. We will tell them the reason. "It is because nothing passes of a nature to animate and interest "that people. Nothing from which an individual can promise "himself more happiness, or the community more splendour; "it is because enthusiasm no longer lights up the countenance "of Grattan, and swells every heart with something great and good, and with a prospect of something greater and better; it "is because there appears no internal spring of action, no fixture "of character! but good and bad qualities as it were external; " and neither virtues nor vices of their own. It is because once "in seven years the people are treated as majesty, and in the "interval mal-treated as mob.

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"We have not in our plan of reform paled so little parks of "aristocracy. Our plan has not been described with a pair of compasses, nor have we defaced with childish circles the sys"tem of nature, and the chart of the constitution. There is no truth in any political system, in which the sun of liberty is "not placed in the centre, with knowledge to enlighten, and be