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Head Quarters, May 1c, 1782.
Sir,

I HAD the honour laft evening to receive your excellency's letter of the 7th, with the feveral papers enclosed.

Ever fince the commence:nent of this unnatural war, my conduct has borne invariable teftimony against those inhuman exceffes which in too many inftances have marked its various progress.

With refpect to a late tranfaction, to which I prefume your excellency alludes, I have already expreffed my fixed refolution: a refolution formed on the most mature deliberation, and from which

I fhall not recede.

I have to inform your excel lency, that your request of a paffport for Mr. Morgan to go to Philadelphia, will be conveyed to Congress by the earliest opportunity; and you may reft affured that I will embrace the first moment to communicate to you their determination thereon.

Many inconveniences and diforders having arifen from an improper admiffion of flags at various pofts of the two armies, which have given rife to complaints on both fides. To prevent abufes in future, and for the convenience of communication, I have concluded to receive all flags from within your lines at the poft of Dobb's Ferry, and nowhere elfe, fo long as the head quarters of the two armies remain as at prefent.

I have the honour to be, &c.
G. WASHINGTON.
His Excellency Sir Guy Carleton.

By the United States in Congress, assembled
May 14, 1782.

THE letter of the 10th, from the commander in chief, being

read, inclofing a copy of a letter to him from Sir Guy Carleton, dated head-quarters, New York, May 2, 1782,

Refolved, That the commander in chief be, and hereby is directed to refufe the request of Sir Guy Carleton, of a paffport for Mr. Morgan, to bring difpatches to Philadelphia.

Published by order of the Congrefs.
CHA. THOMPSON, Sec.

RESOLUTION OF CONGRESS.

By the United States in Congress, affembled October 4, 1782.

W

THEREAS by the articles of confederation and perpetual union, the fole and exclufive right of making peace is vefted in the United States in Congrefs aflembled; and by the treaty of alliance between his Moft Chrif tian Majefty and thefe United States, it is declared, that neither of the contracting parties fhall conclude peace nor truce with Great Britain, without the confent of the other; and the minifters plenipotentiaries of these United States in Europe, are vested with full power and authority, in their behalf, and in concert with their allies, to negociate and conclude a general peace: nevertheless, it appears, the British court ftill flatters itself with the vain hope of prevailing on the United States to agree to fome terms of dependence on Great Britain, at least to a feparate peace; and there is reafon to believe that commiffioners may be fent to America to offer propofitions of

that

that nature to the United States, or that fecret emiffaries may be employed to delude and deceive: In order to extinguish ill-founded hopes, to fruftrate infidious attempts, and to manifeft to the whole world the purity of the intentions, and the fixed unalterable determination of the United States,

Refolved unanimously, That Congrefs are fincerely defirous of an honourable and permanent peace: that as the only means of obtaining it, they will inviolably adhere to the treaty of alliance with his Moft Chriftian Majesty, and conclude neither a separate peace nor truce with Great Britain; that they will profecute the war with vigour until, by the bleffing of God on the united arms, a peace fhall be happily accomplished; by which, the full and abfolute fovereignty and independence of thefe United States having been duly affured, their rights and interefts, as well as thofe of their allies, fhall be effectually provided for and fecured.

That Congrefs will not enter into the difcuffion of any overtures for pacification, but in confidence and in concert with his Moft Chriftian Majefty.

That to guard against the fecret artifices and machinations of the enemy, it be, and hereby is recommended to the refpective States, to be vigilant and active in detecting and feizing all British emiffaries and fpies, that they may be brought to condign punifhment: that it be enjoined on all officers of departments charged with perfons coming from the enemy under the protection of flags of truce, to take fpecial care

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tles of Brandywine and GermanTown, and of fending you the plans, with that of Philadelphia and its environs, within five leagues, to enable you to judge of the fituation of General Howe. I hope you have received them. Till now General Howe has not taken the two forts on the river, which hinder veffels coming up to the city, and deprive him of all communication with them, but by the little paffage which I have marked on the map, and from which we can cafily cut him off this winter, when we have received a reinforcement of victorious

troops

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troops from the north. We rec kon on ftriking a ftroke on the other fide of Schuylkil. There are already troops in the Jerseys on the left-hand bank of the Delaware. On this plan, General Howe will be obliged to remain in Philadelphia, and run a great risk of dying by hunger; but, in truth, we do not hope for fo much. He will furely take the forts, if he attacks them well, and then he will have a communication with his fleet. You fee, Monfeigneur, that for people that have been beat twice, we are in no very bad pofture; we owe this to the Englifh having but little cavalry, fo that they were incapable of purfuing their victory: we owe it yet more to the woods and obftacles of every fort, with which this country is defended.

In the mean time it is natural enough, after the experience of this campaign, to afk this question, Will the Americans fucceed in making themselves free or not? In France, without doubt, they can only judge by what is paft; they will hold the affirmative. As for us, who have been witnesses of the whole, it is another affair. To make short of the matter, it is not the good conduct of the Americans that enabled them to make a campaign on the whole fufficiently fortunate. It is the fault of the English. It was an enormous fault of the British government to require General Burgoyne to traverse more than 200 leagues of a country replete with difficulties, almoft defert, and of confequence, very useless to take, and that only to join Generals Howe and Clinton in the middle of the country, This project might appear very VOL. XXV.

magnificent in the cabinet of London; but to those who know the country it was highly defective.

This judgment on my part is not after the event. You may remember, perhaps, Monfeigneur, that I was in very good humour with the English for oppofing to us only ten thousand men here, and that I greatly hoped General Burgoyne would not arrive here till the field could no longer be kept; that his army would be half deftroyed by hunger, mifery, and detertion, together with daily loffes fuffered from our militia, fcattered through the woods, who fighting thus in a manner peculiar to themselves, the event has been more happy than I could have even hoped.

If the English, instead of making fo many diverfions, which have been all too much at the expence of the principal action, had oppofed General Washington with twenty thousand men, I do not very well know what would have become of us. As for us, in doubling our army, we should have nearly redoubled his force, and we fhould have nearly tripled our own embarraffinent. Thus much for the plan of this campaign,

If we examine next the conduct of General Howe, we fhall-fee that he has not done even what he had in his power to do. As I had the honour to write to you after the battle of Brandywine, "If the English had followed up their advantages that day, Washington's army would have been fpoken of no more." Since that time, likewife, General Howe has, in all his operations, exhibited fuch flownefs and timidity, as on every turn to prove the object of my aftonish[U]

ment,

ment.

But we must recollect, is the people. They are foft with they may fend another general,and out refort, without vigour, withthen we shall not find ourselves fo out paffon, for a cause which they fortunately circumstanced. As fuftain only, becaufe it is natural for the reft, the events which de- to them to follow the movement pend on the ability of generals not with which they have been imbeing to be forefeen, we cannot preffed. "There is an hundred count on them in our speculations times more enthusiasm for this reon the future. volution in a coffee-house at Paris than in all the colonies united."

Having then a reference only to the number of troops, I think I may affert, if the English can have here thirty thousand effective troops, they must reduce this country.

A fecond thing which must haften this reduction, and even of itfelf nearly effect it, is the want of warlike flores. They want almoft every thing. Another object is, they are in want of both linen and woollen cloths, leather, cordage, falt, fpirituous liquors, fugars, &c. Thefe laft articles are more important than at first might be imagined. Before the war, the Americans, though defpifing luxury, had in abundance every thing that is neceffary to an eafy and agreeable life. To have no great matters to do; to pass the greatest part of their time in fmoking or drinking fpirituous liquors or tea, was the taste of thefe countries. It is then very little with their inclinations that they find themfelves transformed at a ftroke into a warlike people, and reduced to the neceflity of leading a hard and frugal life. So much do they in general deteft the war, that it is eafy to fee, if their wants are but increased to a certain point, they would prefer the yoke of the Englifh to a liberty which cofts them the comforts of life.

This language aftonifhes you, Monfeigneur; but in truth, fuch

It is neceffary therefore for France, if the wishes to support this revolution, to furnish the people with every neceffary, nor fuffer them to fuftain any confiderable want. It will cost France a great fum, even fome millions; but he will be amply repaid by the annihilation of the marine power of England, which, having no longer any colonies, can in a little time have no marine. Commerce will of confequence país over to France, which can in that cafe have no rival among the pow ers of Europe.

Some perfons have pretended that France has no intereft in feeing the English colonies form a free flate, and that we might thereby run the hazard of lofing our own colonies; but whoever knows this country, fees that it will be fome ages before they could fend forth a fquadron to make conquefts, and long before that the jealoufies which one province entertains of another (the appearances of which are already ditcernible) will have divided them into different states, none of which will be to be feared. I may be afked, whether France had not better make a treaty with the United States, and fend twelve or fifteen thousand men hither, to effect more readilythis revolution? This would be the most effectual method

method of spoiling all. This people, though at war with the Englifh, hate the French more than them: we prove this every day; and notwithstanding every thing that France has done, or can do for them, they will prefer a reconciliation with their ancient brethren. Should they for the moment confent to the coming of the French troops, their natural antipathy would foon fhew itself, and produce the moft fatal quarrels.

There is yet another object to examine. May not France, forced to make open war on England, feek to poffefs herself of Canada, in concert with Congrefs?

After the obfervations in the preceding article, it appears that Congrefs would utterly reject fuch an arrangement. They would not feek freedom in the neighbour hood of the French, for they would not expect to retain it long. If they muft needs be dependent, they had rather be fo on England.

If France does not declare war against England, fhe muft by every means that policy can fuggeft, prevent the English from having more than from twenty-five to thirty thousand men here at moft. The American ftates will not have more this campaign.

General Washington has never had more than 15,000, General Gates 10,000 men, and General Putnam from 5 to 6,000. Perhaps they would not be able to augment the whole by one quarter in cafe of neceffity.

You have here, perhaps, Monfeigneur, more than you have afked of me; but forgive me thefe differtations, through a defire of fulfilling, at least, your intentions, and of rendering my

abode

here, if poffible, ufeful to my
country.

I'am,

with the most perfect refpect, &c.
(Signed)

DU PORTAIL.

To Monfeigneur the Count

de St. Germain, Minifter of war at the court of France.

To the Honourable the Commons of
Great Britain in Parliament af
fembled.

The bumble Petition of the freehold
ers of the county of York,
SHEWETH,

HAT your petitioners, fen

fible of the original excellency of the conftitution of this country, moft ardently wish to have it maintained upon the genu ine principles on which it was founded.

Your petitioners further fhew, that it is neceffary to the welfare of the people, that the Commons Houfe of parliament should have a common intereft with the nation; and that in the prefent state of the reprefentation of the pcople in parliament, the Houfe of Commons do not fufficiently fpeak the voice of the people.

Your petitioners therefore humbly pray this honourable House to take into their most serious confideration the prefent state of the representation of the people in parliament, and to apply fuch remedy to this great and alarming evil as to this honourable Houfe

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