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the first treatise, in the second Locke set forth what he believed to be the real basis of civil government. "Political power," he said, "is the right of making laws with penalties of death, and, consequently, all less penalties, for the regulating and preserving of property, and of employing the force of the community in the execution of such laws, and in the defence of the commonwealth from foreign injury, and all this only for the publick good." Men, he said, are by nature subject only to the laws of nature, born equal and free. Hooker's recognition of this caused Locke from time to time to quote him, and always as 66 the judicious Hooker." The influence of this treatise has caused Locke's "judicious Hooker" to become as much a commonplace of speech as Chaucer's "moral Gower." But the state of liberty is not a state of licence. Reason is one of the laws of nature, and it teaches that if men are all equal and independent, no one ought to harm another in his life, health, liberty, or possessions. Next to the preservation of himself, the natural law wills that each shall aid in the preservation of the rest of mankind; and into every man's hand is put the execution of such natural law on those who molest their neighbours, as far as reason allows that power may be used to prevent recurrence of offence or secure reparation for the injury. In this state of nature, Locke argued, all men are, until by their own consents they make themselves members of some political society. The state of war is not, in Locke's system, the state of nature, but that which tends to destroy its first conditions. Thus, he who attempts to get another man into his absolute power does thereby put himself in a state of war with him. To avoid this state of war is one great reason of men's putting themselves into society and quitting the state of nature. A man, not having the power of his own life, cannot by compact enslave himself to any one; nobody can give more power than he has himself. Slavery is nothing but the state of war continued between a lawful conqueror and a captive. Though the earth and its goods are common to all men, each man has a property in his person, and the labour of his body is his own. An apple gathered upon common ground belongs to him who has given labour to the gathering. If the water in the stream belongs to all, that in the pitcher is the property of him who drew it out. In this part of his treatise Locke is the first to point distinctly, as Hobbes had pointed more indistinctly, to labour as the source of wealth. But God gave the earth to man's use. When its natural fruits were the chief wealth, none had property in more than he could use--as much land as he could labour on, as much fruit as he could consume in his family, distribute to others, or store for a future need. He had no right in reason to claim land that he could not cultivate, or gather fruit only to let it rot. But the invention of money, as a sign of value in itself not subject to decay, made it possible to accumulate the wealth derived from labour, and establish large properties, to which the first right was given by labour, and which grew by the heaping up of durable things; for the bounds of just property are exceeded not by the mere largeness of possession, but by the perishing of anything in it uselessly. Paternal power is the right and duty of guiding children till they reach maturity, because they are

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not as soon as born under the law of reason, and this has no analogy with the social compact. A civil society is formed when any number of men agree to form a government that shall maintain and execute laws for avoidance of those evils which lie in the state of nature, where every man is judge in his own Absolute monarchy, said Locke, is no form of civil government at all; for the end of civil society is to avoid the inconveniences of a state of nature, and that is not done by setting up a man who shall be always judge in his own case, and therefore himself in the state of nature in respect of those under his dominion. For his subjects are exposed to all that can be suffered at the hands of one "who being in the unrestrained state of nature, is yet corrupted with flattery, and armed with power." Political societies, then, are formed by the consent of the majority, chiefly for protection of the property of those who are so united. Each society needs an established law, an impartial judge, and power to support and execute his sentence. Thus arise the Legislative and Executive powers of a state. The commonwealth may be ruled by the majority as a democracy; by a few select men as an oligarchy; or by one as a monarchy, hereditary or elective; or by any form compounded of these, as shall seem best to the community. The supreme power is the Legislative, bounded by the law of God and nature, bound, therefore, to maintain equal justice, to seek only the good of the people, whom it may not tax without their own consent, because then Government itself would deprive them of that which it exists for the purpose of defending. The Legislative is restrained also from transfer of the power of making laws to anybody else, or placing it anywhere but where the people placed it. Legislation need not be continuous, and is best put into the hands of divers persons, who then separate and become subject to the laws they have made. But Execution of the Laws must be continuous. Its power is always in being, and thus the Legislative and Executive power come often to be separated. Another power, the Federative, is that which represents the whole society as one in its relation to the rest of mankind; and an injury done to one member of the body engages the whole in the reparation of it. These two powers, the Executive,¦ which administers laws of the society within itself, and the Federative, which manages the security and interest of the public without, though really distinct in themselves, are almost always united. Throughout, while the supreme power is with the Legislative, it holds this as a trust from the people, which can remove or alter the Legislative if it be found unfaithful to the trust reposed in it. If the Executive break trust by use of force upon the Legislative, it puts itself into a state of war with the people. The use of force without authority always puts him that uses it into a state of war, as the aggressor, and renders him liable to be treated accordingly. power surrendered by each individual to the society cannot revert to him while he remains a member of it. So, also, when the society has placed the Legislative in any assembly of men, to continue in them and their successors, with direction and authority for providing such successors, the Legislative can never

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revert to the people whilst that government lasts, unless they have set limits to its duration, or by the miscarriages of those in authority the supreme power is forfeited through breach of trust.

With such argument as this, John Locke gave philosophical expression to the principles established practically by the English Revolution.

Locke's " Essay concerning Human Understanding," in Four Books, was first published complete in 1690. Its object was to lead men out of the way of vain contention by showing, through an inquiry into the nature of the human understanding, what are the bounds beyond which argument is vain. In his First Book he followed into a new field Bacon's principles, and maintained that man has no innate ideas, but is created with a receptive mind and reason, whereby he draws knowledge from the universe without. "The goodness of God," Locke said, "hath not been wanting to men without such original impressions of knowledge, or ideas stamp'd on the mind; since He hath furnished man with those faculties, which will serve for the sufficient discovery of all things requisite to the end of such a being. And I doubt not but to show that a man by the right use of his natural abilities, may, without any innate principles, attain the knowledge of a God, and other things that concern him. God having endu'd man with those faculties of knowing which he hath, was no more oblig'd by his goodness to implant those innate notions in his mind, than that having given him reason, hands, and materials, He should build him bridges, or houses." "No innate sense of God himself is necessary," said Locke; "for the visible marks of extraordinary wisdom and power appear so plainly in all the works of the creation, that a rational creature who will but seriously reflect on them, cannot miss the discovery of a Deity." Thus it seemed stranger to him that men should want the notion of God than that they should be without any notion of numbers or of fire. In his Second Book, Locke traced the origin of our ideas from the world about us by sensation or reflection, and argued that our most complex thoughts are formed by various combinations of simple ideas derived from the outside world, suggested to the mind only by sensation and reflection, and the sole materials of all our knowledge. "It is not," said Locke, "in the power of the most exalted wit or enlarg'd understanding, by a quickness or vanity of thought, to invent or frame one new simple idea in the mind, not taken in by the ways aforementioned ; nor can any force of the understanding destroy those that are there." Locke then discussed in detail the forms of simple idea derived from sensation and reflection, the action of the mind upon them in perception, retention, discernment, naming, abstraction; and its manner of making complex ideas out of simple ones. He discussed the source and character of man's ideas of space, duration, number, and infinity, of pleasure and pain, the passions, his idea. of power and of liberty, with argument upon the nature of free will. He explained by his own method the causes of obscurity in some ideas, and pointed out how, by the association of ideas, men are made unreasonable who have been trained from

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childhood to associate with certain words collections of ideas that do not properly belong to them. A musican used to any tune, when he hears part of it will have the ideas of its several notes following one another in his understanding without any act of his So whole societies of men are impeded in the fair pursuit of truth. "Some independent ideas, of no alliance to one another, are by education, custom, and the constant din of their party, so coupled in their minds, that they always appear there together; and they can no more separate them in their thoughts than if they were but one idea, and they operate as if they were so. This gives sense to jargon, demonstration to absurdities, and consistency to nonsense, and is the foundation of the greatest, I had almost said of all, the errors in the world; or if it does not reach so far, it is at least the most dangerous one, since so far as it obtains, it hinders men from seeing and examining." The Third Book was a distinct essay upon words as signs of ideas, and enforced the importance of assuring that, as far as possible, they shall be made to represent clearly the same impressions in the minds of those who use them, and of those to whom they are addressed. Thus two men might argue without end upon the question whether a bat be a bird, if they had no clear and equal notion of the collection of simple ideas forming the complex idea of a bat, whereby they could ascertain whether it contained all the simple ideas to which, combined together, they both give the name of bird. Fourth Book of the Essay applied the whole argument to a consideration of the bounds of knowledge and opinion. Knowledge can extend no farther than we have ideas, and is the perception of the connection and agreement or disagreement and repugnancy of any of our ideas. Narrow as the bounds may seem, our knowledge does not reach to them. Knowledge comes by the way of reason in comparing clear and distinct ideas definitely named. Knowledge is to be had only of visible and certain truth; where this fails we must use judgment, and regulate our degree of assent by reasoning upon the grounds of probability; the foundation of error lying here in wrong measures of probability, as it may lie also in wrong judgment upon matters of knowledge. The witness of God, who cannot err, makes an assured revelation highest certainty. Assurance that the testimony is indeed from God establishes "faith; which as absolutely determines our minds, and as perfectly excludes all wavering as our knowledge itself; and we may as well doubt of our own being, as we can whether any revelation from God be true." What is deducible from human experience God enabled us by reason to discover. What lies beyond our experience may be the subject of a revelation, which is above reason, but not against it. Locke ended with a threefold division of the objects of human knowledge-1, Study of nature, in the largest sense of a man's contemplation of things themselves for the discovery of truth ; 2, Practical applications, a man's contemplation of the things in his own power for the attainment of his ends; and, 3, Man's contemplation of the signs (chiefly words) that the mind makes use of, both in the one and the other, and the right ordering of them for its clearer information. "All which three," said

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Locke, "viz., "Things,' as they are in themselves knowable; Actions,' as they depend on us in order to happiness; and the right use of Signs' in order to knowledge, being toto cœlo different, they seemed to me to be the three great provinces of the intellectual world, wholly separate and distinct one from another." In this Essay, and in his two letters to Stillingfleet, Bishop of Worcester, in the course of the controversy raised over it, the simple piety of Locke is very manifest. The reason of Locke caused him to maintain (Book IV., ch. x.) "that we more certainly know that there is a God than that there is anything else without us."

PUBLISHER'S MARK.

From the title-page of the second part of" Robinson Crusoe" (1719).

CHAPTER VIII.

DEFOE'S "ROBINSON CRUSOE." DANIEL DEFOE was fifty-eight years old when he produced "Robinson Crusoe." The story was published in 1719, and four years earlier, Defoe, expecting death, had met the hard usage of party men on either side with an "Appeal to Honour and Justice," in which he said that his desire was to even accounts with this world, that no slanders might lie against his heirs, to disturb them in the peaceable possession of their father's inheritance, his character. A friend of liberty, misunderstood by faction, Defoe had throughout life been a solitary thinker. In 1719, when he began with "Robinson Crusoe" his new life as a novelist, there were a wife and six children to care for, and for the next nine years, until he was sixtyseven, his activity was constant. " 'Robinson Crusoe " was published on the 25th of April, 1719, and entitled "The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures of Robinson Crusoe, of York, Mariner: Who lived eight-and-twenty years all alone, on an uninhabited Island on the Coast of America, near the Mouth of the Great River of Oroonoque; Having been cast on Shore by Shipwreck, wherein all the others perished but himself. With An Account how he was at last as strangely deliver'd by Pyrates. Written by Himself." The book was at once fastened upon by readers. A fourth edition had appeared before the publication of the second part, four months after the original book. This was entitled "The Further Adventures of Robinson Crusoe. Being the Second and Last Part of his Life, and of the Strange Sur

prizing Accounts of his Travels round three Parts of the Globe. Written by Himself. To which is added a Map of the World, in which is Delineated the Voyages of Robinson Crusoe." A year later appeared Defoe's collection of moral essays, entitled "Serious Reflections during the Life and Surprizing Adventures of Robinson Crusoe. With his Vision of the Angelick World. Written by Himself." That was first published in August, 1720. Meanwhile, in the preceding April had appeared "The History of the Life and Adventures of Mr. Duncan Campbell, a Gentleman who, though born Deaf and Dumb, writes down any Stranger's Name at First Sight; and their Future Contingencies of Fortune." In May, 1720, had appeared Defoe's "Memoirs of a Cavalier," and in June, "The Life, Adventures, and Piracies of the Famous Captain Singleton: Containing an Account of his being set on Shore in the Island of Madagascar, his Settlement there, with a Description of the Place and Inhabitants: Of his Passage from thence in a Paraguay to the Main Land of Africa, with an Account of the Customs and Manners of the People: His great Deliverances from the Barbarous Natives and Wild Beasts: Of his meeting with an Englishman, a citizen of London, amongst the Indians. The great Riches he Acquired, and his Voyage Home to England. As also Captain Singleton's Return to Sea, with an Account of his many Adventures, and Pyracies with the famous Captain Avery, and others." In January, 1722, Defoe published "The Fortunes and Misfortunes of the famous Moll Flanders . written from her own Memorandums;" in February, "Religious Courtship: being Historical Discourses on the Necessity of Marrying Religious Husbands and Wives only," and in March a book scarcely second as a work of genius to "Robinson Crusoe," called "A Journal of the Plague Year: Being Observations or Memorials of the most Remarkable Occurrences, as well Publick as Private, which happened in London during the last Great Visitation in 1665. Written by a Citizen who continued all the while in London." In December of the same year (1722) Defoe published his "Colonel Jack." In 1724 appeared Defoe's "Roxana," and the first volume of his "Tour through the whole Island of Great Britain;" in 1725, the second volume of the "Tour through England," and "A New Voyage round the World," also "The Complete English Tradesman. In Familiar Letters, Directing him in all the several Parts and Progressions of Trade." There followed among other books and pamphlets of his, "Defoe's Political History of the Devil" in 1726, his "Essay on the Reality of Apparitions" in 1727, and "The Life of Captain Carleton" in 1728. For "Robinson Crusoe" Defoe received little, but it made the reputation and the fortune of his publisher, who was a young man, and who did not live long to enjoy his success. Defoe himself found worldly profit in the price he was able to command for the succeeding books. In these latter years Defoe was living prosperously, and a kindly friend to the distressed, at Stoke Newington, in a house which was demolished as late as the year 1875. His third and youngest daughter was married in 1724 to a Mr. Baker.

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In 1729 Defoe's health broke down. In 1730 he wrote from his sick-room to his son-in-law, Mr. Baker, lament of a violation of trust by his second son. The danger was afterwards overcome, and was probably less than it seemed to a man of broken constitution, who was dying painfully; but the close of this letter, the last piece of Defoe's writing, is characteristic: "I would say, I hope with comfort, that it is yet well I am so near my journey's end, and am hastening to the place where the weary are at rest, and where the wicked cease to trouble; be it that the passage is rough, and the day stormy. By what way soever He please to bring me to the end of it, I desire to finish life with this temper of soul in all cases-Te Deum laudamus. May all you do be prosperous, and all you meet with pleasant, and may you both escape the tortures and troubles of uneasy life! It adds to my grief that I must never see the pledge of your mutual love, my little grandson. Give him my blessing, and may he be, to you both, your joy in youth and your comfort in age, and never add a sigh to your sorrow. Kiss my dear Sophy once more for me; and if I must see her no more, tell her this is from a father that loved her

ROBINSON CRUSOE. (From the Frontispiece to the First Edition, 1719).

above all his comforts, to his last breath." Defoe died at the age of seventy, on the 24th of April, 1731. Defoe's fiction in no case professes to be fiction.

His novels take the shape of other forms of writing, which they imitate with an unequalled fidelity, Every book has marks in it of the writer's wisdom, whatever may be the surface character of its incidents. In each of the best two success is in part due to the dignity of the thought that gives a spiritual unity to the whole work. In Robinson Crusoe, the picture of a man cut off from his fellows, not overwhelmed by fate, but maintaining daily trust in God and use of all his energies, has an inherent grandeur that is not the less felt for the simplicity with which all is set forth as truth within the common reach of men. As work of fiction, too, the book struck the first note of a coming reaction against the rhetorical romances of "Clelias" and "Parthenissas," based on French developments of such heroic pastoral romance as Sidney's "Arcadia" suggested. For the unsophisticated reader it was a delightful step, that carried him from "The great Scipio" to "Robinson Crusoe, Mariner, of York." In his "Journal of the Plague," Defoe conceived a community of men whose ways of life were tried in the fire of a tremendous peril; and here again the grand spirit of the book shines through simplicity and truth of form.

The familiar figure of Robinson Crusoe as we see it in later pictures is descended from the sketch forming the original frontispiece to the first edition of the book. Thus Crusoe begins his story,

I was born in the year 1632, in the city of York, of a good family, though not of that country, my father being a foreigner of Bremen, who settled first at Hull; he got a good estate by merchandise, and leaving off his trade, lived afterwards at York; from whence he had married my mother, whose relations were named Robinson, a very good family in that country, and from whom I was called Robinson Kreutznaer; but by the usual corruption of words in England, we were called, nay, we call ourselves, and write our name Crusoe; and so my companions always called me.

I had two elder brothers, one of whom was lieutenantcolonel to an English regiment of foot in Flanders, formerly commanded by the famous Colonel Lockhart, and was killed at the battle near Dunkirk against the Spaniards. What became of my second brother I never knew, any more than my father or mother knew what became of me.

Being the third son of the family, and not bred to any trade, my head began to be filled very early with rambling thoughts. My father, who was very ancient, had given me a competent share of learning, as far as house education and a country free school generally goes, and designed me for the law; but I would be satisfied with nothing but going to sea; and my inclination to this led me so strongly against the will, nay, the commands of my father, and against all the entreaties and persuasions of my mother and other friends, that there seemed to be something fatal in that propension of nature tending directly to the life of misery which was to befal me.

Influenced only for a short time by his father's prudent exhortations on the happiness of that middle state of life to which he was born, Robinson Crusoe, being about a year afterwards at Hull, fell in with a companion who persuaded him to sail for London in his ship. They had a great storm on their way, the ship foundered, Robinson Crusoe, who narrowly escaped with his life, had a chance of return to his own home, but

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As to going home, shame opposed the best motions that offered to my thoughts; and it immediately occurred to me how I should be laughed at among the neighbours, and should be ashamed to see, not my father and mother only, but even everybody else; from whence I have since often observed how incongruous and irrational the common temper of mankind is, especially of youth, to that common reason which ought to guide them in such cases, namely, that they are not ashamed to sin, and yet are ashamed to repent; not ashamed of the action for which they ought justly be esteemed fools, but are ashamed of the returning, which can only make them be esteemed wise men.

In this state of life, however, I remained some time, uncertain what measures to take, and what course of life to lead. An irresistible reluctance continued to going home; and as I stayed a while, the remembrance of the distress I had been in wore off, and as that abated, the little motion I had in my desires to a return wore off with it, till at last I quite laid aside the thoughts of it, and looked out for a voyage.

That evil influence which carried me first away from my father's house, that hurried me into the wild notion of raising my fortune, and that imprest those conceits so forcibly upon me, as to make me deaf to all good advice, and to the entreaties and even the command of my father; I say the same influence, whatever it was, presented the most unfortunate of all enterprises to my view; and I went on board a vessel bound to the coast of Africa, or, as our sailors vulgarly call it, a voyage to Guinea.

It was my misfortune that in all these adventures I did not ship myself as a sailor; whereby, though I might indeed have worked a little harder than ordinary, yet at the same time I had learned the duty and office of a fore-mast man, and in time might have qualified myself for a mate or lieutenant, if not for a master. But as it was always my fate to choose for the worse, so I did here; for having money in my pocket, and good clothes upon my back, I would always go on board in the habit of a gentleman, and so I neither had any business in the ship, nor learned to do any.

It was my lot first of all to fall into pretty good company in London, which does not always happen to such loose and unguided young fellows as I then was; the devil generally not omitting to lay some snare for them very early; but it was not so with me. I fell acquainted with the master of a ship who had been on the coast of Guinea, and who, having had very good success there, was resolved to go again; and who, taking a fancy to my conversation, which was not at all disagreeable at that time, hearing me say I had a mind to see the world, told me if I would go the voyage with him I should be at no expense; I should be his messmate and his companion, and if I could carry anything with me, I should have all the advantage of it that the trade would admit, and perhaps I might meet with some encouragement.

I embraced the offer, and entered into strict friendship with this captain, who was an honest and plain-dealing man, I went the voyage with him, and carried a small adventure with me, which, by the disinterested honesty of my friend the captain, I increased very considerably; for I carried about £40 in such toys and trifles as the captain directed me to buy. This £40 I had mustered together by the assistance of some of my relations whom I corresponded with, and who, I believe, got my father, or at least my mother, to contribute so much as that to my first adventure.

This was the only voyage which I may say was successful in all my adventures, and which I owe to the integrity and honesty of my friend the captain, under whom also I got a competent knowledge of the mathematics and the rules of navigation, learned how to keep an account of the ship's

course, take an observation, and, in short, understand some things that were needful to be understood by a sailor; for, as he took delight to instruct me, I took delight to learn, and, in a word, this voyage made me both a sailor and a merchant; for I brought home five pounds nine ounces of gold dust for my adventure, which yielded me in London at my return, almost £300, and this filled me with those aspiring thoughts which have since so completed my ruin.

nace.

When Crusoe made another voyage as a Guinea trader with £100 of his £300, the ship in which he sailed was taken by a Turkish rover. So he became prisoner to a Moor who cruised for himself, and with whom he went fishing sometimes in his ship's pinRobinson Crusoe watched his time for an escape in the pinnace, and every detail of the escape is told with fulness of circumstance. He coasted till he was picked up near the Cape de Verd Islands by a Portuguese ship bound to the coast of Guinea for negroes. The friendly captain finally landed Crusoe in Brazil, paid him for his boat and its contents, and brought out to him on his next voyage the £200 left in London. Crusoe now became a planter, and had four years of growing prosperity in Brazil.

To come then by the just degrees to the particulars of this part of my story; you may suppose, that having now lived almost four years in the Brazils, and beginning to thrive and prosper very well upon my plantation, I had not only learned the language, but had contracted acquaintance and friendship among my fellow planters, as well as among the merchants at St. Salvador, which was our port; and that in my discourses among them I had frequently given them an account of my two voyages to the coast of Guinea, the manner of trading with the negroes there, and how easy it was to purchase upon the coast, for trifles, such as beads, toys, knives, scissors, hatchets, bits of glass, and the like, not only gold dust, Guinea grains, elephants' teeth, &c., but negroes for the service of the Brazils, in great numbers.

They listened always very attentively to my discourses on these heads, but especially to that part which related to the buying negroes, which was a trade at that time not only not far entered into, but as far as it was, had been carried on by the Assientos, or permission of the kings of Spain and Portugal, and engrossed in the public, so that few negroes were bought, and those excessively dear.

It happened, being in company with some merchants and planters of my acquaintance, and talking of those things very earnestly, three of them came to me the next morning, and told me that they had been musing very much upon what I had discoursed with them of the last night, and they came to make a secret proposal to me; and after enjoining me secrecy, they told me that they had a mind to fit out a ship to go to Guinea; that they had all plantations as well as I, and were straightened for nothing so much as servants; that as this was a trade that could not be carried on, because they could not publicly sell the negroes when they come home; so they desired to make but one voyage, to bring the negroes on shore privately, and divide them among their own plantations; and in a word, the question was, whether 1 would go as their supercargo in the ship, to manage the trading part upon the coast of Guinea; and they offered me that I should have my equal share of the negroes, without providing any part of the stock.

This was a fair proposal, it must be confessed, had it been made to any one that had not had a settlement and plantation

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