or Latini, as it has already been said, were the old inhabitants of Latium, and the inhabitants of the numerous Coloniae Latinae, or Latin colonies in various parts of Italy, so designated to distinguish them from the colonies of Roman citizens, Coloniae Romanae. The rest of the Italian states were Socii or Foederati, whose particular relation to Rome was determined by the conditions of the Foedus, or alliance. The Latini and the Socii furnished, as we have seen, their contingents and supplies for the Roman armies, 'ex formula,' as Livy expresses it (xxii. 57; xxvii. 10), which means that the number of soldiers and the amount of supplies were fixed by the terms of the treaty or alliance with the Italian states.

We see from a passage of Livy (xliv. c. 16) what a Roman army in foreign parts sometimes required, and that the expenses of war fell heavy on the Italian people. The consul, Q. Marcius Philippus (B.c. 169), wrote to the Senate from Macedonia, to inform them that he had taken in Epirus twenty thousand modii of wheat and ten thousand of barley, the barley for the horses, as the fashion still is among the Arabs of North Africa. He requested the Senate to pay the value of the grain to the Epirot commissioners who would come to Rome for the money. He also asked for clothing for the army, and about two hundred horses, Numidian horses, if they could be had, for he could get no supplies where he was. We may collect from this that the Romans imported African horses for the use of the army. The Senate passed a resolution that the practor C. Sulpicius should make a contract for forwarding to Macedonia six thousand cloaks (togae), thirty thousand jackets (tunicae), and horses, to be disposed of at the pleasure of the consul. They paid the Epirot commissioners for the grain.

The muster-rolls of the Italians who were liable to the conscription were kept by the several states, or the towns of the several states, as Polybius on one occasion says. The Roman consuls sent notice to the magistrates of the Italian allies of the number of men that they required, and the men were raised in the same manner as at Rome. In Caesar's Gallic wars we read of men being summoned from some of

the towns of the Gallia Provincia, 'nominatim,' by their names, that is, out of the muster-rolls. The expression 'sociumve nominisve Latini quibus ex formula togatorum' occurs in the ninth chapter of the Thoria Lex. The words which follow 'togatorum' are wanting in the bronze, but they are thus supplied by Rudorff, 'milites in terra Italia imperare solent.' The term 'togati' originally meant only Roman citizens, but it was afterwards extended to the Italian allies of Rome. These Socii, as it has been already stated, sometimes received grants or assignments of some parts of the land, which they helped the Romans to take from other Italians. They also were certainly allowed to go as settlers to a Latin colony. As they were not Roman citizens, they could not of course settle in a Roman colony. Rudorff observes in general terms that these Socii were admitted as members of new colonies, but he only gives the instance of Caius Gracchus's colony of Carthage, to which he says colonists were taken from all parts of Italy. If this was so, Carthage must have been intended for a Latin colony Even the occupation, in the technical sense explained above, of the Roman public land was allowed to the Socii, as we are directly told by Appian, and as we infer from the opposition which was made to the Agrarian laws of the Gracchi by many of the Socii. If Caius Gracchus had lived and maintained his popularity, he might have succeeded in giving the Roman citizenship to all the Socii, and in thus uniting all Italy south of the basin of the Po. The death of Gracchus destroyed this hope of the Italians, but the present law did something for them. The ninth chapter gave to the Socii and Latini full compensation for such Roman public land as they had possessed, and had given up for the purpose of the settlement of the Sempronian colonies. The fourteenth chapter declares that as to such lands as were Roman public lands in the consulship of P. Mucius and L. Calpurnius (B.c. 133), whatever it shall be lawful for a Roman citizen to do (that is the expression), it shall be lawful for a Latinus and a Peregrinus to do, if these Latini and Peregrini had this right as to the Roman public land in the consulship of M.

Livius and L. Calpurnius (B.c. 112) by virtue of a Lex, Plebiscitum, or treaty (foedus).

The seventeenth chapter of the law treats of the courts to which jurisdiction was given in all matters contained in the first sixteen chapters. The law of Tiberius Gracchus gave the jurisdiction in matters relating to the public land to three commissioners; and the Senate in B.C. 129 gave it to the consul Tuditanus, and perhaps to the consuls generally. It is supposed, though there is no direct proof of it, that Caius Gracchus in B.C. 123 restored the jurisdiction to the three commissioners for public lands (Chap. xix.). The Thoria gave the jurisdiction in the matter of land assigned by the three commissioners to the consuls and praetors; the jurisdiction as to matters concerning such land as remained public, it gave to the consuls, praetors, and censors; and the jurisdiction in disputes in which the Publicani were parties it gave to the consuls, praetors, and to propraetors also, for the obvious reason, as Rudorff explains it, because these disputes would arise most frequently in the provinces, most of which were governed by a propraetor.

CHAPTER XXIV.

THE THORIA LEX; THE PROVINCE AFRICA.

THE Thoria Lex contained some regulations about the land in Africa.

The African territory of Carthage immediately before the second Punic war consisted of the following parts. The first division was Zeugis, or Zeugitana, which contained the capital Carthago, the still more antient Phoenician settlement of Utica and several other towns. The name Zeugis is a native term or a Phoenician word; but we cannot with certainty say what it meant. Zowan, Zagwan, or Zogwan, which is south of Tunis, and built, as Shaw describes it, on the northeast extremity of a mountain of the same name, seems to retain the element of the word Zeugis, and it may be the Mons Ziguensis of Victor, as Shaw suggests, and the Zeugitanus of Solinus. It is not possible to fix exactly the western limits of Zeugitana. It may have extended as far west as Hippo Regius (Bona) and the river Rubricatus (Sebous). The name Regius, 'royal,' indeed implies that Hippo was at some time in possession of the Numidian kings, and if it once belonged to Carthage, it must have been taken from her; but there is no evidence to show when Carthage lost this place. The Zeugitana of Carthage certainly extended west as far as the Tusca, and southward on the coast to Hadrumetum. The Zeugitana was a fertile country. The tract named Byzacium, which extended southward from Hadrumetum to the Smaller Syrtis, also contained fertile lands along the coast, and the Phoenician settlements Hadrumetum, the Smaller Leptis, Thapsus and Acholla. Along the

B b

coast of the Syrtis Minor were the trading towns which gave to this strip along the shore the name of Emporeia. The most eastern of the Emporeia was the Great Leptis.

The country west of the Carthaginian territory as far as the great river Mulucha (Mulwia) was possessed by people whom the Romans named Numidae or Numidians. The western and larger part of Numidia was occupied by the Massaesylii. Their western boundary was the Mulucha, the eastern boundary is generally said to have been the river Ampsaga, but we need not look for precision in fixing the limits of such barbarous people who had few towns. East of the Massaesylii, and extending to the Carthaginian border, were the Massylii. The Numidian Gala, chief of the Massylii, probably began to encroach on the Carthaginian territories in the second Punic war. Gala's son Massinissa, at the close of the second Punic war, recovered all his father's kingdom, from which he had been driven by the Carthaginians and Syphax, king of the Massaesylii. He also received the country of the Massaesylii after Syphax was taken prisoner by the Romans, who now acknowledged Massinissa as king of all Numidia. By a clause in the treaty of peace with Carthage it was declared that the Carthaginians must restore to Massinissa whatever buildings and land and cities once belonged to him or his ancestors, and were within the limits which the treaty assigned to the Carthaginians. After the end of the war Massinissa, relying on the friendship of the Romans, entered on a large part of the Carthaginian territory, which he claimed as having once been his own. The Carthaginians appealed to the Romans, who sent commissioners with instructions to favour Massinissa as much as they could, and thus Massinissa appropriated to himself the land that he claimed. He now set his greedy eyes on the rich country and cities on the coast of the Smaller Syrtis. He took possession of the open country, but the Carthaginians were able to protect the towns. There was again an appeal to Rome. The Carthaginians maintained that the country which Massinissa claimed was within the limits which Scipio had fixed to the Carthaginian territory at the end of the second Punic war. The Numidian king denied