plished, its more difficult task remains still to be fulfilled. There is great need of carrying into effect the proposed reforms in the internal administration of Hungary, and the development of the common army is also imperative, in order to safeguard the position of Austria-Hungary as a great Power. There are other questions too, in connection with establishing a system of perfect parity between the two States of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy.

Public opinion abroad is, I believe, mainly interested in the internal affairs of Hungary, so far as it concerns the peace among the different nationalities, the problem of social reform, and the franchise reform. Count KhuenHéderváry and his Cabinet will have no easy task to grapple with these questions. From the speeches of the leading statesmen it appears that in solving these problems the Government intend to act upon its repeatedly declared principles.

As to the Nationalist question, it is understood that the Government's desire is that there should be perfect harmony between the Magyar and nonMagyar inhabitants of Hungary, and that these latter should enjoy the same rights and share the same duties with their Magyar countrymen. This does not mean any renunciation of the preservation of the Magyar national character, with which the conquerors and preservers of Hungary have stamped the country. Any effort to change this constitutional basis would be resisted to the utmost as an infringement of the right of the Magyars, who constitute the greater half of the population, and who, not only by their numerical superiority, but through their historical past and eminent political qualities have always been the upholders of the Kingdom of Hungary. The underlying principle of this policy is based upon the "dualistic system" created by Fran

cis Joseph I., Francis Deák, and Count Andrássy in 1867. According to this principle, it is of absolute necessity that in polyglot States like Austria and Hungary there should be one predominant race. This predominance was to be held by the Germans in Austria and by the Magyars in Hungary. It is true that in Austria the Germans have to a certain extent, lost their opportunity of playing the leading part, for which they are themselves to blame, but the weakness of the Austrian-Germans does not imply that the Magyars should follow lead and renounce their predominant rôle in Hungary, to which they are entitled, There can be no doubt that the administrative system of Hungary is obsolete and its disadvantages are felt alike by Magyars and non-Magyars. The existing franchise system is also out of date and has to be reformed.

At this juncture it is not inopportune to return to the charge brought forward by the Nationalists, that at the last general election they were hampered in the exercise of their political rights. They attribute their defeat to a policy of "oppression” pursued by the Héderváry Government. The Nationalist members were decimated at the elections; only three Slovak and five Roumanian members obtained seats, not a single Servian or German was returned. The defeat of the "Nationalists," however, is not due to any campaign of persecution organized against them, but to the turn of the tide, which shattered also the two Independence parties, the Catholic people's party, and the democratic fraction as well. The real cause of this defeat was, that the electorate as a whole was imbued by the desire that Parliament should be purged of all the extreme elements. They condemned the extreme political tenets of the Independents and the clerical tendencies of the Catholic people's party, just as much as they

were tired of the subversive racial policy of the "Nationalists." They have voted for the sober and moderate policy of the new party's platform.

The attitude of the "Nationalist" constituencies in supporting the Government is deserving of particular attention. It is a striking proof that the great bulk of the non-Magyar nationalities in Hungary do not approve of the extreme policy of "racialism," and of the means the Nationalist agitators have adopted in furtherance of their aims, but that they are desirous of living at peace with the Magyars. They have no reason to be discontented, for the Magyars respect the right of the non-Magyars to their mother-tongue to such an extent, that in all secondary and borough schools German is an obligatory subject, and the Servians, Roumanians, and Transylvanian Saxons have their own elementary and secondary schools, where the language of instruction is Servian, Roumanian and German respectively; and in the University of Budapest there are ordinary professorships for the Servian (Croatian), Roumanian, and German languages. If anything, this is a proof that the charge so frequently brought forward abroad, that the Hungarian Government Magyarizes the non-Magyars by force, is totally unfounded. Indeed, there is not a shadow of truth in this accusation. In fact, the number of Slovaks, Roumanians, and Servians is not only not decreasing, but in several parts of the country a not inconceivable number of the Germanspeaking population is continually being absorbed by the Roumanians and the Slovaks. This is the case in Transylvania and in Upper Hungary. The sober elements of the Nationalists have always recognized that they are bound to go hand in hand with the Magyars, as even the Independent Saxon people's party in Transylvania have always professed their allegiance

to the idea of a Hungarian State, without any detriment to their own Nationalist individuality, and have as a consequence supported the predominant Magyar party. Another instance of quite recent date is that the Servian group, without in any way prejudicing their individuality as Servians, were able to contract an alliance with the ultra-Magyar, chauvinistic Justh party. This must have been present to the mind of Count Stephen Tisza when, during the summer session of the Lower House, he delivered an important speech, in which he condemned the separatist tendencies of the Nationalist policy, and called upon the Roumanians in particular to relinquish their independent endeavors and to join one of the Hungarian parties. Count Tisza was evidently thinking of the new Government party, which includes a larger number of Servians, Roumanians, Germans, and Slovaks than were ever comprised in any separate Nationalist group. result of Count Stephen Tisza's speech, negotiations were opened with the leaders of the Roumanians, the majority of whom are evidently in favor of peace, for they know that of all nationalities in Hungary their situation is the most advantageous. They enjoy complete autonomy in respect of their Church and of their schools. Moreover, particularly in Transylvania, they have so wide a scope in the field of agriculture and banking affairs that even the most superficial observer cannot fail to notice the gradual elimination of the Saxons and the "Szeklers." The Roumanian bishops and many members of the educated Roumanian classes are Magyarophile, and are working in the interests of peace between Magyars and Roumanians. It is to be hoped that before long these efforts will be crowned with success.

As a

A series of important measures are before Parliament, the passing of

which is imperative as well for the welfare of Hungary as that of the Dual Monarchy. Of course, the paramount question of Hungarian politics is the reform of the franchise. The new Government's attitude is "More haste, less speed." It is the intention to wait for the data of the census, which began on January 1 this year. This is intended to be taken as a basis on which the Reform Bill shall be drawn up. It seems that the Government's programme does not embrace Count Andrássy's system of plural voting. There is a plan of distributing the constituencies in such a manner as to prevent the natural supremacy of the Magyars being impaired or weakened by "Nationalist" or "Socialist" tendencies. As a corollary to the Reform Bill, the Government proposes to reform the administrative system on a centralistic principle, in order to put an end to the prevailing abuses, preserving, however, as far as possible the autonomy of the counties in local affairs. These questions, requiring, as they do, a large amount of work, are not likely to be realized until the autumn of the coming year.

The matters receiving immediate attention of the Government are those referring to the bank and military questions, especially the latter, which has to be settled before the bringing in of the Army Bill (supply of recruits). These are the two cardinal points in Hungarian politics, causing many a crisis and obstruction, and it is by no means impossible that during the present winter session they will again provoke violent scenes in Parliament. Both sides of the Dual Monarchy are equally concerned that these questions should be peacefully settled without delay.

In connection with the renewal of the Bank charter, the Government intends to come to an agreement with the Austrian Cabinet that the principle of

payment in specie, which already exists in practice, shall be formally acknowledged. This would facilitate the quotation on foreign exchanges of Hungarian Government stocks, the issue of which is to a large extent dependent upon participation of foreign capital. The extension of the Bank Charter until the year 1917, is just under discussion in the Hungarian Parliament, and it seems likely that the measure will be passed at a very early day.

As to the "Military Question,” time is pressing. During the seven-year crisis which has raged concerning this question, the Austro-Hungarian army and navy have been unable to be developed sufficiently to keep pace with the progress made by other Powers, and the state of things in the army and navy may be best gauged from the words used by Baron Schönaich, the Common Minister for War, who said: "Unless the obstacle which has hitherto stood in the way of the development of the army, namely, the demands of Hungary, are removed without delay, it is doomed to die of consumption."

Small wonder that the military question is weighing heavily upon the Government. To meet the expenses needed for the development of the army and navy, the Common War Minister requires huge sums of money, far in excess of the means provided by the normal War Budget for 1910. The Government, of course, anxious to maintain the position of the monarchy as a great Power and to enable it to pursue its policy of peace, is obliged to supply the expenses, so far as the resources of the country will permit. Consequently, it is expected that the new Army Bill, to be laid shortly before the Hungarian and Austrian Parliaments, while raising the number of recruits supplied by Hungary, will involve an annual increase in expenditure of a

permanent character. It is not doubted that the majority both in Parliament and in the Delegation (a council of delegates elected by the Hungarian and Austrian Parliaments to decide upon "common" affairs) will endorse the Government's views in this respect.

It might be of interest to say a few words, at this juncture, concerning the military reforms, so frequently heard of in connection with Hungarian polities. There is a strong desire that the Hungarian part of the common (Austro-Hungarian) army should be given a certain national character. The Government, though it stands on the basis of the "sixty-seven" principles, cannot ignore these demands, deeply rooted as they are in the Magyar population of Hungary.

To satisfy this popular wish, the Government feels it its duty to carry out progressively the stipulations contained in the programme formulated by a committee consisting of members of the former Liberal party in 1903known as the "Committee of Nine." These reforms are not incompatible with the principles of parity enunciated in the Compromise of 1867, and do not prejudice the Constitutional prerogatives of the Sovereign as the head of the army, as to questions regarding the organization and supreme control of the military forces. The reforms tending to emphasize the political independence of Hungary as a State, refer to such matters, as military emThe National Review.

The

blems, the introduction of the Hungarian language in the army, and of a new military criminal procedure. Hungarian and Austrian authorities are already discussing the details of settling these questions, and the Sovereign himself has given his consent, recognizing that they are not detrimental to the efficiency of the "common" army. It is to be hoped that after the solution of these contentious problems, which for the last decade have paralyzed the political life of the country, a period of calm and constructive work will set in.

Before a thorough clearing up of the political horizon, it is possible that the Hungarian Parliament will be the scene of some stormy debates, but the large and united majority of the Government is bound to come out victorious. The spirit of the "National Work" party seems to be confidence in itself and in its leader. Count Khuen-Héderváry's position at Court, his political past, and his charm of manner, fit him to play the part of a statesman who has to fulfil a great mission. He is also ably seconded by his colleagues in the Cabinet, which includes such eminent men as Mr. de Hieronymi, the Minister of Commerce. A Government composed of first-rate politicians and supported by a large, united majority augurs well for the resurrection of the high standard of parliamentary life, which characterized Hungary of the past.

W. de Ruttkay.

sorbed in his own thoughts, had failed to notice this fact for some time, with the result that the poor animal was now lame. The thought of the blame which awaited him on his return lay heavy on young Sam's heart and

whetted his wrath against his sister. If she had behaved as a respectable girl ought to behave, he told himself, he would have been spared all this trouble and possible expense-as like as not he would be held answerable for the accident.

It was with a lowering brow that he tied up the horse to the gate post and strode into the house. Had he not been so much preoccupied with his vengeful thoughts, he would have noticed the familiar appearance of another horse which was browsing at the opposite side of the lane, and of the cart which stood shafts downward close beside the hedge.

He marched up the flagged path with his most manly stride, and burst in upon a peaceful family party assembled at tea. On Mr. Strange's right was seated Tamsine, and next her, dressed in his Sunday clothes, and looking perfectly happy and at ease, was shepherd Davidge; at the very moment that Sam entered his mother was replenishing the stranger's cup, while Tom Strange, with his blandest smile, was plying him with currant cake.

"What's the meanin' o' this?" cried the young emissary of justice, stopping short in the doorway.

"Why, 'tis Sam!" exclaimed Mrs. Strange. "I d' 'low it'll not be so much of a surprise to you as to we, Sam. Your sister Tamsine has been tellin' us about her young man an' brought en over to see us."

Mr. Strange cleared his throat and gazed sternly at his son.

"I be sorry," he remarked, "as this shouldn't be a joyful meeting for all parties, but I'll have a word or two to say to you presently, Samuel."

The wind was taken out of Sam's sails with a vengeance! There sat the culprits, whom he had come to denounce, in the full enjoyment of the family favor, while he, the avenger,

was threatened with "a rod in pickle."

"Maybe I'll have summat to say too!" he cried angrily. ""Tis all very well to talk about joyful meetings, but I think folks what does wrong did ought to be held accountable for

it."

"True, indeed, my son," said the elder Strange severely; "I'm glad to hear you admit it."

"Come, Mr. Strange," observed David, with a pleasant smile, 'this is a happy occasion, as you did say just now, and I hope you'll let bygones be bygones. I'm pleased to make acquaintance wi' my new brother-in-law, and I'm sure if he has made any slips in the past he'll be ready to turn over a new leaf now."

"Come and sit ye down, my dear," cried Mrs. Strange in a pleading whisper. "There, I dare say father'll forget all about your foolishness, if ye don't go for to vex en now; an' 'twould really be a pity to spoil every one's pleasure this happy day."

She twitched him by the sleeve as she spoke, but he jerked away his arm, looking angrily from David to Tamsine.

"Brother-in-law!" ejaculated he. "I didn't know it had got so far as that, though indeed I heard o' Tamsine's going-on."

"Hush, for shame, Sam. You didn't ought to speak of your sister like that, and such a steady maid, one we do all know as is to be trusted anywhere." "I will speak," cried Sam; “I—”

"Samuel," interrupted his father, with a threatening movement of the head and shoulders, "if you do so much as say one word more to insult your sister an' her future husband you'll just walk out o' this house an' never show your face here again. I must 'polygize for my son's forgetting' hisself like this," he added, turning with a dignified air to David, "but there, he've been keeping low company of