1846.] it, as the most touching and impressive sermon that he had ever delivered, as pervaded by a spirit of tenderness altogether beyond what was usual in his public services. He was evidently laboring under great physical debility; but the extent and character of his disease were not even suspected by his friends. Soon after, as soon as the state of his health and his wishes were known by his people, they gave him leave of absence for a few months and supplied him with the means of defraying his expenses during a journey to the South. He left home, accompanied by his son, on the nineteenth of January, and seemed at once greatly relieved. He enjoyed the journey, spent a few days in Washington, took a lively interest in seeing whatever was to be seen, and arrived at Charleston, S. C., apparently much better than when he sat out from home. He received from Dr. Huger and his family every attention which might contribute to his happiness or comfort, and thought himself more entirely free from sickness then he had been for several years. He rode out on the afternoon of Tuesday, February 24; but on his return in the evening was taken violently ill, and lingered, for the most part in a state of insensibility, till Thursday morning, when he was quietly released from a body, which through life had been the source of more and severer trials than fall often to the lot of man. The news of Dr. Brazer's death came upon his friends with a suddenness almost startling. The latest accounts received from him had been of the most encouraging character, when the same mail which announced his sudden and severe illness brought also the tidings of his death, and the tolling of the bell was the first intimation which most of his parishioners had, that he was not still improving in his health. The Sunday after the sad intelligence was received, his church was closed, and on the following Sabbath a very impressive funeral discourse was delivered by Rev. Dr. Flint from the words, "Though dead, he yet speaketh." And so another from among those who have held a high place as a minister of our faith shall speak to us in time to come only by the words which he has already uttered, by the life which he has lived, and the many solemn thoughts and emotions suggested by his death. J. H. M. ART. X.-OLIVER CROMWELL-PURITANISM.* It is a noteworthy fact, that so many gifted and leading minds in our time have been moved to do some justice to the Puritans. Mr. Macauley, in a brilliant essay of his youth, of which, we are sorry to add, he has lived to be somewhat impatient in more mature years, taught the reading world here, if not on the other side of the water, to be ashamed that they were ashamed of the Puritans. James Grahame, an honest, diligent, accurate Scotsman, fell passionately in love with the history of this country, chiefly on account of the religious principles of its early settlers. He devoted his pure and useful life, with a quiet enthusiasm, to the work he had taken in hand. Guizot, who stands at the right hand of the ablest monarch in Europe or the world, finds time amidst the cares of his high position, to study the event to which the Protestant Puritans in England gave the impulse, and which he with reason calls "stupendous." And now Mr. Carlyle brings his vigorous and peculiar intellect to grasp the same great theme. We have before us two works, relating to the same period of English history, the heroic age of England, according to Carlyle, and certainly to us Cis-Atlantic readers by far the most interesting and important period from Saxon Alfred to Victoria. The work of the distinguished Frenchman, the title of which we have given, treats of the First of the Three Parts into which he divides the History of the English Revolution of 1640. It occupies the space that lies between the accession of Charles I. in 1625 and his death in 1649, when the elements of strife in the nation were arranging themselves round their respective centres; when the minds of men were growing more and more ardent; when the storm was brewing, which at length burst forth, and resulted in the ruin of the throne and of him who sat upon * 1. Oliver Cromwell's Letters and Speeches, with Elucidations. By THOMAS CARLYLE. In two volumes. New York: Wiley & Putnam. 8vo. pp. 560, and 437. 2. History of the English Revolution of 1640, commonly called the Great Rebellion: from the accession of Charles I. to his death. By F. GUIZOT, the Prime Minister of France. Translated by William Hazlitt. New York: D. Appleton & Co. 8vo. pp. 515. 1846.] Guizot and Carlyle. 441 it by a divine right. The Second Period starts from the death of Charles (the martyr-as the toad-eating Histories of England, written by Churchmen, placemen, or infidel tories call him) and includes the acts of the Long Parliament and the career of Cromwell. During this period the nation was making desperate efforts to get itself "settled," in which efforts the sword of the Lord and of Oliver finally prevailed, and the Commonwealth was erected and kept in poise so long as the mailed saint continued to live. "The Third Period" to use Guizot's own words, "is that of monarchical reaction, successful for a while under Charles II., who in his cautious selfishness aimed at nothing beyond his own personal enjoyment, but ruined by the blind passion of James II., who aimed at absolute power. In 1688 England achieved the point she aimed at in 1640, and quitted the career of revolution for that of liberty." Only the First Part of this comprehensive plan, sketched by the Prime Minister of France, has been as yet completed, and given to the world in the work we are noticing. "I have collected," he remarks, "for the history of the two other periods, a body of materials which, as I believe, are neither without importance or variety. A day will doubtless come, when I shall be able to make use of these materials: meantime, wanting the leisure to complete my narrative of this stupendous event, I apply my mind, at every available moment, to its just comprehension." It was the opinion of Napoleon, that history should be written, not by cloistered scholars, mere word-mongers, but by practical men, by statesmen, by generals, by men familiar with the actual working of the social machinery. And this accords very much with Lord Bacon's sentiment, when he says, that "generally it were to be wished as that which would make learning indeed solid and fruitful, that active men would or could" (Napoleon left out the could) "become writers." The Prime Minister of France possesses this qualification; he is a statesman and a scholar. And the analogies of the French Revolution help to give his mind a lively interest in the "Grand Rebellion," as it has been too long insolently labelled in the pattern Histories of England. We infer from certain hints and suggestions in the work of Mr. Carlyle before us, that he too has entertained the design of writing a History of the same period. "One VOL. XL. 4TH. S. VOL. V. NO. III. 39 wishes," he says, "there were a History of English Puritanism, the last of all our Heroisms; but sees small prospect of such a thing at present." In the meantime, and as an earnest of something more to come, we welcome this collection of Cromwell's writings, with the elucidations of Thomas Carlyle. The work commences with an Introduction, quite characteristic, divided into five chapters, in which we have remarks upon the general subject of Puritanism, and upon the manner in which the history of the seventeenth century has been usually treated; notices of the several biographies that have been written of Oliver Cromwell; an account of the Cromwell kindred; a series of events arranged chronologically from the birth of Oliver up to the date of his first letter; and lastly, remarks upon the letters and speeches. Then follow the Letters and Speeches themselves, divided into ten parts, corresponding to as many periods in the life of their author. The writings of Cromwell, tied up in these chronological bundles, are prefaced and accompanied by Elucidations, in the peculiar fashion of the editor, in which are blended acuteness, wisdom, pathos, eloquence, drollery and sarcasm. It is a favorite notion with Mr. Carlyle, that the seventeenth century is inaccessible to the men of the present day, by reason of the lack of faith now, and the consequent inability to conceive of the convictions that governed men then. more. "The Christian doctrines, which then dwelt alive in every heart, have now in a manner died out of all hearts - very mournful to behold; and are not the guidance of this world any Nay, worse still, the cant of them does yet dwell alive with us, little doubting that it is cant;- - in which fatal intermediate state the eternal sacredness of this universe itself, of this human life itself, has fallen dark to the most of us, and we think that too a cant and a creed. Thus the old names suggest new things to us, not august and divine, but hypocritical, pitiable, detestable. The old names and similitudes of belief still circulate from tongue to tongue, though now in such a ghastly condition, not as commandments of the living God, which we must do or perish eternally, alas, no, as something very different from that! Here properly lies the grand unintelligibility of the seventeenth century for us." - Vol. I. p. 6. It would be difficult, well-nigh impossible, to instance the individual, about whom more lies have been told, and 1846.] Injustice done to Cromwell. 443 towards whom more injustice has been done, than in the case of Oliver Cromwell. There is a numerous class of erroneous historical judgments, which take possession of men's minds, and when they get possession, are handed down from one generation to another. Like the books which Charles Lamb says are expected to belong to every gentleman's library, (Hume's England, if we mistake not, was one of the books mentioned by him,) so they are expected, as a matter of course, to form part of the furniture or fixtures of every gentleman's noddle. Many of these erroneous opinions are quite unsubstantial, and are easily scattered, a host of them at once, whenever a true thinker appears and speaks. These resemble very much the little cherubs, only the upper parts of which existed, or whose posterior continuations were cloud-hidden, that kept flitting about St. Cecilia in one of her musical ecstacies. "Sit down sit down," cried the saint. "Thank "Thank you, Madam, we have not the wherewithal to accept your invitation." There are other less airy, more stubbornly rooted prejudices, founded in malice and stupidity. We are pleased with the manner in which Mr. Carlyle deals with such of these malignant and stupid calumnies as he thinks deserving of his notice. In one of the earliest of Cromwell's letters that have been preserved, he uses such expressions as were then, and still are, common with a certain class of religious persons, to describe his great sinfulness before his conversion, and the wonderful change wrought in him by religious convictions. "You know," he says, writing to his cousin, "what my manner of life hath been. Oh, I lived in and loved darkness, and hated light. I was a chief, the chief of sinners etc." Noble, one of Oliver's biographers, remarks, that he finds in these expressions "clear evidence that Oliver was once a very dissolute man." Carlyle thus deals with his "reverend imbecile friend, Noble: " "Brother, hadst thou never, in any form, such moments in thy history? Thou knowest them not, even by credible rumor? Well, thy earthly path was peaceabler, I suppose; but the highest was never in thee; the highest will never come out of thee. Thou shalt at best abide by the stuff; as cherished housedog, guard the stuff, perhaps with enormous gold collars and provender; but the battle, and the hero death, and victory's firechariot carrying men to the Immortals, shall never be thine. I |