skins and make their own shoes and leggings, their own articles of dress, and horse trappings; but aside from these the men have no arts and, fortunately, they never acquired any knowledge of making an intoxicating liquor.

Mythology. Their mythology is exceedingly complex and equally difficult to comprehend or to define. Their religious practices are mystic to obscurity, and within these limits it is almost hopeless to attempt treating this subject intelligibly.

Before the present world there were four others of which they have traditional story. The first under-world was far down in the "below," in the heart of the earth, and "First-man" and "Firstwoman," superhuman beings, always existed there. From peilicles of skin which they rubbed from different parts of their bodies they made eight other superhuman beings and animal monsters, and placed two at each of the cardinal points. Thus, at the east, Te'-hol-tso-di (a horned water monster) and E'-dit-ni (thunder); south, Tchalth (frog) and Te-hli'ng (horned horse), who was also a water monster; at the west, Ish'-een-es-tsun (salt woman) and Tho'-ne-ni-li (water sprinkler, a youth); north, Tûlth-k'le-ha-le (a swan-like monster) and Sis-tye'lth (tortoise). One man and one woman, the first of the human family, were also produced in the earliest under-world from pellicles of skin, as were also the first of animal kind, which, curiously enough, were locust, red ant, and horned toad.

These beings quarreled, and the water monsters caused a deluge. First-man made a raft of reeds, and by this they all floated to the roof, where Locust bored a hole through which they all ascended to the second world. Similar incidents, vague, weird, and inconsistent, occur in the succeeding worlds, a final flood compelling the ascent of the greatly increased human family to this present world. This they reached by entering a giant reed, which grew through the roof of the fourth world in a crevice opened by Badger, Rabbit, Bear, and all other animals that burrow in the ground or make lairs in the cliffs, all of which preceded the human family through this orifice. This place where they came up is called the Ha-d'ji-nai, and is said to be situated in southeastern Utah, but no Navajo has ever seen it. All mankind came up at the same time and place, and the gods distributed them over the face of the earth.

The popular deities now most generally appealed to are those in

the east, presiding over the dawn and the white light of day; in the west, to the deity who distributes the yellow light of sunset and who is also the hunter's patron. In the distant west, across the great water, is a very beneficent goddess called Es-ts'un n'ut-le-hi (woman metamorphic). Every evening she has grown old and feeble and every morning she resumes her state of maidenhood. The twin sons of this goddess, "The child of the waters" and "The slayer of alien gods," who frequent the six sacred mountains surrounding the Navajo land, are also important factors. The sun and the moon, the "Blackness of the above," which is regarded as the genius of fecundity, and the female spirit of the earth, and many other minor deities are all frequently petitioned. They hold no conception of a universal or controlling spirit, and their deities are not spiritual, but grossly material genii of localities, with limited attributes and functions.

The cardinal points have emblematic colors, and when enumerated it is always in the sequence: east (white), south (blue), west (yellow), north (black).

Religious Ceremonies.-The most important religious ceremonies are only celebrated during the winter, in the season when the snakes are asleep, as they have it; but aside from this limitation there are no specified times nor any regular succession of religious feasts. All their religious observances are either for the cure of disease or relief from sorcery, and their character and extent are determined by the patient and his people, who bear all the expense attending them. When a person falls ill or deems himself under a spell he and his friends decide upon which priest or shaman they shall Each of these shamans, priests, or medicine-men, as they are indifferently designated in English, has his own particular songs and rites and his own scale of fees for attendance. If the patient is wealthy, he may decide to give the grand "mountain_chant "* or "nine nights' song," and engage all the shamans of his region.

summon.

Upon the floor of the song or medicine lodge very elaborate sand mosaics are prepared, depicting mystic emblems, and groups of various deities, the details and costumes being very skillfully por

*See W. Matthews' "Mountain Chant of the Navajos" in Ann. Rep. Bu. Ethnology for 1883-'84.

trayed in many-colored sands, charcoal, and ochres. During the ceremonies the patient is sprinkled with the colored pulp taken from the mosaic upon which he is seated, and at their conclusion it is entirely obliterated and the sands carried off and scattered. At night, while these observances are in progress, processions of masked and painted dancers, songs, and curious feats of magic take place in large bough enclosures, lit up with great bonfires, as all of their public ceremonies are held only after night-fall, between dark and daylight.

The deities are invoked not only to relieve the patient at whose instance the feast is given, but also any others present similarly afflicted. Rains and good grass for the flocks and bounteous favors to all the people are sung for, many of the episodes being vividly dramatic and impressive. These gatherings are also availed of for social intercourse, amusement, and mutual rejoicing.

Medicines.-They hold that all sickness is caused either by evil ghosts, sorcery, disregard of taboos, or neglect of fetich rites; hence the office of the shaman is really that of a priestly exorciser. In the proper sense of the term they have no medicine, although many herbs and other substances are used, but entirely without intelligence.

They bleed by incising with sharp fragments of obsidian, but metal must never be used. They practice administering medicines vicariously, as, for instance, to a well husband for a sick wife, but they firmly believe that more virtue attaches to the rattle and songs of the shaman than to any of the materials prescribed.

Their sweat-house is a miniature hogan, just large enough to cover a man when squatted on his heels. When used, hot stones are rolled into it, and the aperture is tightly closed with blankets. No water is thrown upon the stones, but the patient is filled with all he can drink, and on emerging he is, commonly, scoured dry with sand. It is really of great sanitary value, although probably more sick persons are killed than cured, through ignorance of its proper use.

Present Transitional Condition.—The Navajo cannot be classed with the ordinary "Agency Indians," as they are in no sense dependent upon the Government, but are entirely self-sustaining. More than twenty years ago, after a long period of hostility, they were subdued by troops, and an agency reëstablished which has been maintained ever since. At that time it is probable they would all have perished had it not been for the Government aid received. Now,

however, the great bulk of the tribe never go near the agency unless it be on the occasion of an issue of wagons or farm implements.

They are in a very interesting stage of transition, and clearly one of very material progress. The men have adopted modern tools and discarded the primitive appliances in all their common arts. The women still cling to the traditional methods in their special arts of spinning, weaving, basket-making, and pottery, but in the kitchen the ordinary utensils of civilization are forcing the crude pottery vessels into disuse. For the cumbrous wooden hoes and planting sticks modern implements have been substituted, thus enabling them to plant a greatly increased acreage. The proximity of trading posts, as has been mentioned, has radically transformed their original costumes and modified many of the early barbaric traits, and also affords them an excellent market for their wool, pottery, blankets, and other products.

Bright calico and Mexican straw hats are now their ordinary summer attire, and they take kindly to our comfortable heavy garments in cold weather. Firearms have almost entirely superseded the primitive weapons; silver ornaments of their own manufacture have displaced those of copper and brass; the glass beads of earlier days are now regarded with contempt, and valuable coral necklaces have become the fashion.

But perhaps the most promising indication of their steady advance toward civilization is diplayed in their growing desire to possess permanent dwellings, and many of them have already built for themselves comfortable two-roomed stone cabins. The steady growth of their wealth, in the constant increase of their flocks and herds, insures the continuance of this upward movement.

A judicious law might be made whereby they could legally hold their present grazing grounds, for in this arid region of scant yegetation a wider scope than elsewhere is necessary for pasturage, and, as most of their land lies at an altitude of over 6,000 feet, only a very small portion of it can ever be brought under cultivation. Were they thus guaranteed against interruption, judging from the rapid progress they have made during the last fifteen years, it is presumable that in a comparatively short time they will win their own way to a respectable social condition.

A-WA/-TO BI:

An Archeological Verification of a Tusayan Legend.*

BY J. WALTER FEWKES.

About the close of the year 1700 a large Tusayan pueblo called A-wa'-to-bi was tragically destroyed, so that since that time a ruin only marks its former site. Written history is silent in regard to the details of the event, but there still remains among the descendants of the actors in that destruction a legend of the deeds of that stirring time. The present article is an attempt to demonstrate by archeological evidence the truth of that legend.

In the summer of 1892 I passed ten days in camp at the Tusayan ruin called by the Hopi, A-wa'-to-bi, "the place of the Bow People;" by the Navajos, Talla-hogan, the "Singing House." that time, accompanied by Mr. A. M. Stephen, I made a reconnaissance and a few excavations in order to acquaint myself with the ruin, but I was particularly anxious to test the story of its destruction still repeated by the Hopi, and to gather from archeological researches whatever data could be found to shed light on the disaster which overthrew one of the most populous of the Tusayan pueblos about two hundred years ago. The following pages give some of the results of my cursory examinations.

The historical accounts of the destruction of A-wa'-to-bi, as seen by the following quotation from Bandelier, are very meager. "The only document which I found," says this learned author, "in which detailed reference is made to the slaughter of Ahuatuyba is a Parecer of the clergy of New Mexico, bearing date 1722. In it the destruction of Ahuatuyba is explicitly stated. There existed at Santa Fé, in 1713, a collection of testimonies taken on the occurrence, and described as follows: Yten vn Quaderno de autos sobre la norisia de lo susedido en el puo de Aguatubi de la proa de Moqui autorisadas de Pedro de Morales en 63 fojas.' It is mentioned in Ymbentario de los *This work was done in the summer of 1892, while connected with the Hemenway Expedition.

† See Bourke: "Snake Dance of the Moquis of Arizona."

Part II, Final Report, Papers of the Archæological Institute, p. 372, 1892.