débris of the bottom city of Troy, fifty-two feet below the present surface, and are also found in the oldest lake dwellings and among the most ancient remains of all countries. It is probably more generally distributed than any other implement of which we have knowledge. How is this implement to be accounted for in the caves unless it were put to its natural use as a battering tool? That chipping can be done with it is true, but why make in an implement pits for which there is no need, and which if intended for chipping would really interfere with the work to be performed? The flattened sides, by reducing the weight of the hammer, would decrease the efficiency of the tool. Even the worn. surface or periphery of these hammers, caused by being used to rub down the pecked surface, is often observable on specimens in America and Europe, and particularly at the site of Troy-in fact wherever the remains of man are found; and it is believed that this rubbed surface will be found wherever this class of tool is met with, whether in caves, shell heaps, lake dwellings, burials of all ages, or among the sculptures of America, Europe, Asia, or Africa. It was beyond doubt the great carving tool of antiquity, from the period when man first learned the art of carving stone on through the ages so long as hard stone was fashioned, and was only displaced by the discovery of the art of making steel.

We find, therefore, that there are evidences that man, as early as we have any knowledge of him, possessed the typical implement with which he could best batter and grind stone. He had knives with which he could cut various articles and needles with which to sew; he knew the art of making and burning pottery; could and did make fire; he drilled holes of large and small size in bones, antlers, shells, and fossils, and was familiar with the art of engraving at a period contemporaneous with the Mousterian implement and a quaternary fauna. With such evidences, can it be argued that man was ignorant of a knowledge of the process by which stone was battered and ground into shape and yet familiar with the more difficult and complicated art of chipping?

The writer has by experiment demonstrated the simplicity of the methods by which neolithic implements were fashioned, and has shown that what was supposed to require years to complete was in reality but the work of a few hours. The references herein given. could be greatly increased were it necessary, but it is considered that sufficient data from the best sources have been given to show the error of the paleolithic hypothesis.

CRANIAL DEFORMITIES IN TOULOUSE.-M. le Dr. J. Ambialet, Prosecteur à la Faculté de Médecine de Toulouse, furnishes to L'Anthropologie of Paris a study of the artificial cranial deformities in Toulouse, which Broca and Dr. Delisle have before made known. They are produced by the serre-tête and a bandeau applied to the head of the new-born, and often worn by the women during their entire lives or replaced by other coiffures, viz., the "sarradisso and foulard," (the former a kind of close-fitting hood, the latter a handkerchief, held in place by a bandeau), which, by their constriction, prevent the return of the cranium to the state normal to it before it was deformed by the serre-tête.

Two types of deformities are produced, a horizontal and an oblique, according as the line of application of the constrictors approaches the horizontal or the vertical plane; each of these types again presenting varieties, the horizontal may be exaggerated, or slightly exaggerated, and the oblique may be oval, ascending cylindrical, or bilobed cylindrical. The deformation interferes with the symmetrical development of the cranial arch.

The numerous measurements taken enable Dr. Ambialet to advance three conclusions:

First. That the Toulousian is brachycephalic and mesaticephalic. Second. That in the young generation the brachycephalic type tends to replace the mesaticephalic.

Third. That dolichocephalic and mesaticephalic crania are often due to constriction.

The Toulousian cranial deformation tends to produce dolichocephaly; and of forty cases observed in the very aged and adult classes, thirty-five are extremely deformed. Of eighty-eight mesaticephalic cases, fifty-seven presented deformations varying in degree, and in eighty-three brachycephalic cases, only four bore traces of the bandeau. The mesaticephalic Toulousians examined had very marked bregmatic depressions. The mechanism of the compression and of the consecutive cranial compensation furnishes the explanation of these varieties of conformation found in the hori zontal type and called the "exaggerated," and in the oblique type and called the "ascending cylindrical."

As to the crania of the "oval" variety, they are generally mesaticephalic; nevertheless, they may be brachycephalic.

FURTHER NOTES ON INDIAN CHILD-LANGUAGE.

BY A. F. CHAMBERLAIN.

Since the article "Notes on Indian Child-Language" (AMER. ANTHROP., III, 237-341) appeared, the writer has had occasion to further consider the subject, and a few additional notes are here presented.

To the child-words cited from Cuoq's "Lexique de la Langue Algonquine" are to be added:

Ba, terme par lequel les jeunes enfants expriment leur désir de recevoir ou de donner un baiser (p. 75).

Op, mot enfantin pour exprimer le désir de se lever, de sortir du berceau (p. 307).

Baraga, in his "Dictionary of the Otchipwe Language,' * gives the following children's words:

93.

Bobo, little pain, little wound (in the language of children), p.

Ioio, pain (in the language of children), p. 157.

Kaka, or kakash. They say this word to children to express that s. th. is bad or dirty (p. 179).

The word E or Enh! is given by Baraga (p. 112) as an ordinary interjection "yes," and not a special child-word.

Ioio seems to be the reduplication of the interjection io!= "ah! oh! (expression of pain or ache).”

Mr. Horatio Hale† was kind enough, in connection with the previous article, to furnish me with the following extract from a letter received by him from the Abbé Cuoq, in response to an inquiry relative to the "child-words" given in the "Lexique de la Langue Iroquoise":

"Pour ce qui concerne en particulier la tribu des Iroquois, il est certain que ce langage a cours dans toutes les familles, que les parents, surtout les mères, l'apprennent à leurs enfants, et que ceux-ci ne font que répéter en suite les quelques mots dont il se compose.'

*Part II, Otchipwe-English, new ed., Montreal, 1880.

† Letter to the writer of these notes, under date of July 9, 1890.

The Abbé, Mr. Hale adds, remarks that he "could not explain why the labial letters, which the Iroquois usually have much difficulty in pronouncing, should be used in this 'langage enfantin.'

In the "Vocabularies of the Tlingit, Haida and Tsimshian Languages," published by Dr. Franz Boaz,* the following child-words, with their equivalents in the speech of adults, are given:

Dr. Karl von den Steinen, in his recent work on the Bakairié language of South America, includes the following child-words:

Of these words tsogo (= tso'go, patruus, in the speech of adults) seems related to Kzúru, Kzúyo (matruus, in speech of adults), and tségo, séko, may be, as von den Steinen suggests, connected with i'se.

Amongst the Kootenays, of southeastern British Columbia, the only child-word met with by the writer is papā, which is used for "father," instead of tito'näm (used by men) and so'näm (used by women).

BLOOD CEMENT USED BY THE ANCIENT HURONS.-Fr. Gabriel Sagard, in his "Le Grand Voyage du Pays des Hurons" (tome I, page 189, 1636), says that these Indians with small, sharp stones extracted blood from their arms to be used to mend and glue together their broken clay pipes or pipe bowls (pippes ou petunoirs), "which is a very good device, all the more admirable, since the pieces so mended are stronger than they were before."

J. B. N. HEWITT.

* Proc. Amer. Philos. Soc., 1891, pp. 173-208.

PREHISTORIC IRRIGATION IN ARIZONA.*

BY F. W. HODGE.

In none of the extensive archeologic remains of southern Arizona are the industry, perseverance, and degree of advancement of a large pueblo population more faithfully illustrated than in the many works of irrigation that abound, in the valleys and on the mountain slopes of this section. Prior to the prosecution of systematic archeologic investigation in this region, it was generally believed that, aside from the employment of catch-basins or rude reservoirs formed at the bases of mountain arroyos, artificial irrigation was not practiced by ancient pueblo builders, and that the existing pueblo tribes derived from the early Spanish missionaries or conquistadores their knowledge of conducting the water from the streams to their fields. In the valleys of the Salado and Gila, in southern Arizona, however, casual observation is sufficient to demonstrate that the ancient inhabitants engaged in agriculture by artificial irrigation to a vast extent.

The arable area of the valley of the Salado comprises about 450,000 acres, a tract almost equally divided by the river. No obstacle is encountered in irrigating the land lying south of the stream for a distance of ten miles, but greater difficulty attended the conducting of water to the northern area by reason of the greater slope of the land, which necessitated the establishment of headworks much farther up the river. This difficulty modern ranchmen have overcome by the construction of the Arizona canal, which traverses a distance of forty-one miles from east to west, and has a capacity of 40,000 miners' inches, sufficient to irrigate 50,000 acres, or over 27 per cent, of the 182,000 acres now reclaimed by the nine irrigating canals of the valley. This latter area is less than one-half the lands redeemable by the waters of the lower Rio Salado.

Judging from the remains of extensive ancient works of irrigation, many of which may still be seen passing through tracts cultivated

* From notes made in 1887-'88 while the author was a member of the Hemenway Archeological Expedition, operating in the Southwest under the directorship of Mr. Frank Hamilton Cushing.