It is certainly true that the people of Georgia, South Carolina, and Alabama, expressed great satisfaction at the anticipated relief to be realized when the Indians should be sent from their borders beyond the Mississippi. But are not these very Indians set down in the immediate vicinity of other white people? Whence then comes the benefit to the Indians: and whence the benefits to the whites, too, in the end? Look at the case any way, and I see no point of utility gained to either party. But there is a consideration about which I have heard very little said. It is the consideration that the frontier states and territories have but few votes in a presidential election, while those from which the Indians are removed have many. Now how much this adds to the justice of removing Indians I leave my readers to judge. Is it not preposterous in the highest degree to relieve a thousand individuals in Georgia by taking away the Indians from among them, and setting them down in Arkansas, where they can be in the way of but a hundred people? Thus because one state can make more noise than another, its clamors must be hushed at the expense of the other. But cries of distress have already reached the ears of the distant north, from the south-east border, and it requires no prophet to see, that the time is not far distant when these cries will be redoubled, and demand as much from the government, and with as much authority as has already been done by Georgia, South Carolina, Mississippi, or Alabama.

The general government has anticipated a state of things upon the border, which might require no inconsiderable military force to restrain; and hence the late attempt to provide a standing army. And some have shrewdly said, that, as its officers would all be appointed by the president of the United States, and officers and men to be voters too, he had attempted to seize another leading-string of power to continue him in office, or to elect such successor as he should designate, "to follow in his footsteps." However this may be, we decline any opinion on the matter, further than to observe, that a much less army, in all probability, would have protected the Indians in their own country, than will now be required to protect the white inhabitants in the country to which they have been driven.

If, in 1824, there was great fear among the inhabitants of the south-western frontier, from the increased number of Indians forced into their vicinity, what must now be their fears, with some 30,000 since turned loose there? Early in 1824, great alarm spread along that region; offence had been given by the whites, and they were for a while in constant agitation, expecting revenge. They said there were not more than 3,000 troops stationed to defend and keep order over nearly 5,000 miles, and to keep in check upwards of 20,000 Indian warriors. If there was need of a standing army in 1824, surely Mr. VAN BUREN ought to have recommended one in 1839.

It is no less absurd than ridiculous, to entertain the idea that we can remove the Indians out of the way of the whites; every citizen who knows any thing of the character and habits of the kind of people hanging upon all Indian borders, will tell us without a moment's hesitation, that numbers of this class will be found in the country in advance of the removing Indians, as completely equipped for defrauding them, as before their departure. We cannot run away from this class of hungry pioneers, for the very good reason that we cannot get beyond them. They know where the emigrants are to be located, a long time before they set out, and any law made to bear on such intruders, is none other than a by-word and a jest with them. They are as familiar with the woods as we are with our closets; and the further we go with the Indians, with proportionate impunity will they set our laws at defiance.* We have already premised some facts for consideration, touching the number of Indian chiefs in Florida, who executed the treaties for their people, and those found in arms after the war had begun. We will now ask a moment's attention to a further consideration of this matter. In the year 1821, the agent in Florida made a return to government of such villages or settle

*See Hon. Mr. Vinton's speech, H. R. 1828.

When the previous part of this fourth book was written, I was not correctly informed rel ative to the chiefs' standing in regard to one another, and hence a slight discrepancy between the facts before detailed, and the same now under consideration.

468

OPPOSITION OF THE CHIEFS.

[BOOK IV. ments of Seminoles, as were known to him. This number was THIRTY-FIVE. Of the statistics of some of these towns the agent knew very little; and there were doubtless many others of which he knew nothing. The Mikasaukies he reckoned at 1,000 souls; and concerning several other tribes, he says they contained "a great many souls." Now it is in no wise probable but that one half of these tribes had at least two chiefs or head men, and this would give to the whole nation FIFTY-Two chiefs. Was it not necessary that a chief from each tribe should have been a party to all treaties, either in his own proper person, or by another duly by him authorized? This same agent reckoned there were 5,000 souls in all. Compare these facts with the well-known one, that only fifteen chiefs and sub-chiefs signed the treaty of removal, which is that of Paine's Landing. Not half of the nation could have been represented. If any would dispute this, with the array of evidence now adduced, I will pronounce him wilfully blind, and incapable of reasoning. Look at the treaty of Moultrie Creek; there are the names of more than double the number attached, than were obtained to that of Paine's Landing; and one of the best Seminole chiefs has said, "The whites forced us into the treaty." It is not very strange that there were but 15 chiefs at this treaty, or that signed it, for there had been but one month's notice given that any such treaty was on foot. We shall now show that when a full council of the chiefs was together, nothing like a general consent to a removal could be obtained from them. In March, 1835, when preparations for removal began to be strongly urged by Gen. Thompson, at the solicitation of Jumper, he gave them until the 22 April, to meet him in council, when he would hear what they had to say touching the matter. At the time appointed, “several hundreds of the chiefs and warriors had assembled," and a talk was read to them from Gen. Jackson, enforced and illustrated by the agent and Gen. Clinch, all of which amounted to no more than this, "Go you must, and go you shall, without further delay." Some of the chiefs were in favor of a compliance; but the principal ones were firm in their opposition, and expressed themselves accordingly. These were Micanopy, Jumper, Holata Mico, Coa-Hadjo. and Arpiucki. However, a writing was drawn up, and signed by 16 other chiefs and sub-chiefs, expressive of their willingness to abide by previous treaties, and their wish to remove. This was signed on the 23 April, 1835. It was through the influence of a very influential chief (whose name was Fucta Lusta Hajo, or Black-dirt) of the removal party, that this last treaty was made. No sooner had it been effected, than Gen. Thompson (acting by precedent, of course) decreed that the five opposing chiefs should no longer be considered or obeyed as chiefs. When this high-handed act had been reported to Gen. Cass, secretary at war, he reprobated the proceeding in very strong terms, from reasons too obvious to require detail in this place.

It still remains a question with us, whether an accommodation might not have been brought about, if the officers of government had not persisted too strongly in their determination that the Seminoles should settle with the Creeks; but the cry of retrenchment and reform was up, and it was easy to begin with the Indians. It would cost the government much less if they could be included with the Creeks, a most absurd and blind policy!-The Seminoles were now a great nation. Were they to be lost and absorbed in another? The very idea was revolting to them.

Matters remained in this unsettled state for several months. At length it seems that the principal chiefs, to the number of 25, assembled at the agency on the 19 August, to try once more what could be done by negotiation. Holata Emathla was chosen speaker for the Indians, and he delivered himself as follows:

"My friends, we have come to see you to talk with you on a subject of great importance to us. Hear us, and tell our great father what his children say. We made a treaty at Paine's Landing, by which we agreed to go west of the Mississippi: we were told to send some of our principal chiefs to view the place to which we were to remove. We did so; they found the country good. While there, our chiefs had a talk with Gen. Stokes and the commissioners; they were told that the Seminoles and Creeks were of the same family; were to be considered as the same nation, and placed under the same

agent. They answered, that the Seminoles were a large nation, and should have their own agent, as before; that if our father, the president, would give us our own agent, our own blacksmith, and our ploughs, we would go; but if he did not, we should be unwilling to remove; that we should be among strangers; they might be friendly, or they might be hostile, and we wanted our own agent, whom we knew would be our friend, who would take care of us, would do justice to, and see justice done us by others. They told us our requests were reasonable, and they would do all they could to induce the president to grant them. We have been unfortunate in the agents our father has sent us. Gen. Thompson, our present agent, is the friend of the Seminoles. We thought at first that he would be like the others; but we know better now. He has but one talk, and what he tells us is truth. We want him to go with us. He told us he could not go, but he at last agreed to do so, if our great father will permit him. We know our father loves his red children, and won't let them suffer for want of a good agent. This is our talk, which we want you to send to our father, the president, hoping we may receive an early answer."

This talk was despatched to Washington, and that there may be no grounds to question the truth of its contents, I will subjoin an extract from a paper by Gen. Clinch, which was transmitted with it. The general says, "In forwarding you the enclosed document, I beg leave to make a few remarks. Although the subject to which it relates is itself of no great importance, yet it may have an important bearing on the present quiet and future happiness of these children of the forest. They are, from peculiar circumstances and long habit, suspicious of the white man. It is hard to induce them to believe that all the efforts and operations of government are intended for their own good. The question of a separate agency was again and again brought forward by the chiefs, last winter and spring, and appeared to be considered by them of the first importance to their future interests, prosperity, and happiness."

Notwithstanding the pathetic appeal of the Indians, and the kind intumations of Gen. Clinch, the president would give them no hearing, and they were informed that he was "very angry" to think they should have so much presumption.

Meanwhile, some circumstances of a very aggravating nature had taken place. Three poor Mikasaukies, from Long Swamp, were seized by a planter, and tied with a rope by their hands and feet, and confined in his barn, without sustenance, till they were nearly dead. They, or some other Indians, had been accused of purloining from his plantation some of the necessaries of life; the drought of the preceding season having ruined their crops, they were reduced to extreme want. The friends of the three Indians became alarmed from their long absence, and the chief of the village to which they belonged, sought them out and demanded them. The inhuman wretch would not release them. The chief then repaired to his village, and taking several of his men with him, demanded them again, but was again refused. They were in hearing of the distressed cries of their friends, and obeying the promptings of a generous nature, proceeded to the barn, and liberated them by force. They were in a pitiful condition, could neither stand or go; the ropes with which they were tied, had cut through the flesh to the very bones! When their friends were carrying them away, they were fired upon by the owner of the place, and one was wounded. They retaliated only by burning his barn, not suffering him to remove any thing out of it; and whoever knows the circumstances, will only wonder that he had not been confined in, and consumed with it.

10000

CHAPTER XVIII.

CARRYING THE EVENTS OF THE WAR TO THE CLOSE OF THE YEAR 1836.

Review of early difficulties-The Hogtown murder-The insult to Osceola-MICANOPY -KING PAYNE-Gen. Clinch's expedition-Gen. Scott attacked—Massacre at Char

470

THE INSULT TO OSCEOLA.

[BOOK IV. lotte Harbor-Fort Micanopy besieged-Death of officers-Lighthouse affairBATTLE OF WELIKA-Creeks and Cherokee affairs-Indians surprised-Murders -BATTLE OF SAN FELASCO-Col. Lane's Expedition-His melancholy death— Gov. Call in command-BATTLES OF THE WAHOO SWAMP-Gen. Jesup resumes command-His expedition to the Wahoo.

THE murder of Hogtown, to which we have before alluded, was a serious crisis. It very much hastened hostilities, from the outrageous nature of the case. The additional facts to those we have already given are these. There were eight Indians belonging to the party, and in their wanderings they had killed a cow which did not belong to them, near Deamond's Pond. A part of them, on the 19th of June, being encamped at a sink-hole where there was water, about 3 miles from Kenapala Pond, are fallen upon by a gang of whites, seven in number, who seized as many of the guns belonging to the Indians as they were able, and then commenced whipping them. Two of the Indians had gone out upon a hunt, and returned while this business was in progress. They made a shot upon the whites, wounding one of them, and in their turn they fired upon the two Indians, killing one, named Fure, and mortally wounding the other, named Lechotichee. Here the rencontre seems to have ended.

A great cry was now raised along the Indian border, and the surviving Indians, who had done all of this mischief, were demanded of the chiefs by the agent. They were readily surrendered, the whole surviving six, and thrown into prison, where they remained over thirty days, while their accusers were left at perfect liberty to commit other outrages, and to make preparations for convicting the Indians at the trial which was supposed to await them; but it does not appear that any trial ever took place, and my informant says, that the balance of proof was so much against the whites that they were glad to "dodge the question;" and hence we suppose the Indians were set at liberty. But could any rational man suppose that an outrage of such a flagitious character would pass without retaliation? It followed, but not immediately. On the 11 August, a private, named Dalton, carrying the mail between Fort Brook and Fort King, was met on his route and killed. Some seized his horse by the reins, while others dragged him off and shot him. When found, his body bore evidence of savage vengeance, being nearly torn in pieces. The party committing this act are immediately demanded by Gen. Clinch, and the chiefs promised they should be surrendered, probably without any intention of so doing. They were Mikasaukies, and having fled among the Redsticks of the Ouithlacooche, could not be found. If the Indians did not avow this murder to be in revenge for that of Fuxe and Lechotichee, it was known to be so.

The Indians were now, if possible, treated with greater contumely than before, and Osceola, about this time, went to the agent to complain of some ruthless villain who had been guilty of grossly illtreating some of his people. It so happened that some white person had, only the preceding day, made a similar complaint against the Indians; which complaints were, it is said, occasioned by the affair at Hogtown. The general therefore, having prejudged the case, as good as told Osceola he lied, and that it was his men who were guilty of outrage. An altercation ensued, and this was the time, we are told, that this chief was seized, manacled, and placed in the guard-house of the garrison; the circumstances of which have already been related, agreeably to the then existing information.

We now pass to the events of the war, taking up the subject where it had been suspended in the summer of 1836.

One of the divisions of the army under Gen. Clinch marched from Tampa for Fort Drane on the 14th of April, 1836. After a march of three days, they came within four miles of Fort Cooper, where Major Cooper had been left with his Georgia battalion. Having encamped, Gen. Clinch detached his two mounted companies under Capt. Malone of the Washington corps, with wagons, to Major Cooper, and instructions to join him. When this detachment had proceeded about two or three miles, it was fired upon by Indians concealed in a hommock near the road, and Mr. Howard and Cornet Dunsan of the Washington troops were wounded; the former with three shot, and the latter with one in the leg. Both probably recovered. Capt. Malone

immediately sent to Gen. Clinch for a reënforcement, on the arrival of which no Indians were to be found. The detachment then proceeded to Fort Cooper, which had been attacked for 13 days together, but with a loss only of one man, Mr. Zarock Cook, of the Morgan Guards.

At the same time Gen. Clinch marched from Tampa, Col. Lindsay left also upon a scout, and while crossing the Hillsborough River, the Indians fired upon him, killing Mr. James Branham of the Alabama volunteers. Gen. Clinch made but a short stay at Fort Cooper, when he returned to Fort King, where he arrived on the 25th; having had one man wounded, a Mr. Bostick of the Jefferson troop. At the same time Col. Goodwin burns a large Indian town on Peas Creek; and only two days after, a company of Indians attack Fort Drane, make prisoners of several negroes, and carry off a number of horses. Scarcely a day passed at this period without some tale of blood. Gen. Scott, on his march near Ocklawaha, is attacked in his camp on the 22d of April, and two of his men are wounded. Two days after, the general surprises a party of Indians about 23 miles from Volusia, but they all escape, leaving, however, their horses and packs to the victors.

At Charlotte Harbor, on the 28th of April, the Indians make thorough work, killing Dr. Creus, the collector of that port, "and all the people residing there." They next appear with great boldness before St. Marks, but retire without doing any other damage than frightening the people. About the middle of May depredations were committed within two miles of Mandarin, on the St. John's. They killed and scalped a Mr. Motte, a highly respectable gentleman from New York, and burnt his house and other buildings.

On the 7th of June the Indians burn the extensive sugar-works belonging to Gen. Clinch, together with 70 hogsheads of sugar, and a great amount of other property; and at the same time they burn also the sugar-house of Col. M'Intosh, of Oakland. The next day about 150 warriors invest Fort Micanopy, in which was Major Heillman and 70 or 80 men. After some preparations, a sortie was made, and the Indians dispersed. The whites had five men wounded and one killed. Major Heillman had been an active and valuable officer, but his term of service expired with his death, which took place at Micanopy on the 27th of the same month; and but a few days before, (June 15th,) Lieut. Wheelock had put an end to his own existence with his rifle. His duties had been so arduous that he was overcome by an aberration of mind, in which condition he committed the fatal act.

On the 23d of July the Seminoles attack and burn the lighthouse on Cape Florida; the keeper, a Mr. J. W. B. Thompson, is most surprisingly delivered from death, though not till he had been forced to drink deep of the cup of its agonies.* On the 1st of August the express rider is cut off between Newnansville and Micanopy.

Some time in June, the unhealthiness of Fort Drane having been represented to Gov. Call, an order was given for its evacuation. About the 18th of July, a train of 22 wagons left that place, with stores and munitions for Fort Defiance, Micanopy, at 8 o'clock in the morning, escorted by 26 dragoons, under Capt. Ashby, and 36 artillerists, detailed from different companies; in all 62 men. They had a five and a half inch howitzer, under the charge of Lieut. Whitly. On the arrival of the train at Welika Pond, within a mile of its destination, as usual, the first notice of Indians was from a salute from their rifles, by which one man was mortally wounded. The place whence the discharge proceeded was scoured, but the Indians had gone. The force moved on, and at about a quarter of a mile from Micanopy, as it was passing a long hommock, a tremendous fire was poured upon the whole column from 250 Indians, as was supposed; their line extending a quarter of a mile. Soon after Capt. Ashby was severely wounded, but continued in action until compelled to retire from loss of blood. The firing brought out to their relief two companies from Micanopy, 31 strong, under Lieuts. Talcott and Temple, who rendered very important service. The Indians stood their ground until dislodged by a charge, which was not until the fight had been considerably pro

I have published Mr. Thompson's narrative of the affair in my Collection of Indian Narratives a very proper appendix to this work.