The Congress issued pledges for money it had no means to pay, called for soldiers it had no means to support, entered into treaties it could not fulfil; while States endangered and did injustice to their associate States, by disproportionate, inadequate, contributions of men and money;* by the assumption of powers inconsistent with a community of rights; and by the refusal of powers essential to the preservation of those rights.t In Virginia it was proposed to abolish all private commerce and to establish commercial companies including a State, or parts of a State in districts. Their commercial operations were to be represented by stock; the price of every article to be fixed by the companies; and the power to be conferred upon them "of taking private goods into their custody;"-called a plan "for appreciating the currency and reducing the price of necessaries." An embargo of provisions followed. And the day after Jefferson's election as Governor-the second of June, 1779fearful of the breaking up of the Confederacy, and to secure a strong foreign protector; a resolution unanimously passed her legislature, by which, "the treaties of Alliance and Commerce between France and the Congress of the United States were ratified, confirmed, and declared binding; so far as in the power of this Commonwealth." A special favor from France was granted to her.

The sufferings in Virginia were a type of the general condition of this country. "The enemy," Washington wrote in November seventy-nine, "are in great hopes of terminating the war in their favor in another campaign, as they expect confidently the entire ruin of our money and a failure of provisions for the supply of our army." In the following month, he again wrote,

* The inefficiency of Virginia, the then most populous State of the Confederacy, is thus exposed by its Governor Patrick Henry:-" Public spirit seems to have taken its flight from Virginia. It is too much the case; for the quota of our troops is not half made up, and no chance seems to remain for completing it. Great bounties are offered. But I fear the only effect will be to expose our State to contempt, for, I believe no soldiers will enlist, especially in the Infantry. Can you credit it? No effort was made for supporting or restoring public credit. I pressed it warmly on some, but in vain. This is the reason you get no soldiers. Let not Congress rely on Virginia for soldiers. I tell you my opinion-they will not be got here, until a different spirit prevails."-Memoir of R. H. Lee, i. 195. 1778.

Washington soon after wrote, "At present they are but a handful, compared to the quota they should furnish, and unless something is done, this handful will dwindle to nothing."—Hist. Repub. i. 559.

"I find our prospects are infinitely worse than they have been at any period of the war, and unless some expedient can be instantly adopted, a dissolution of the army for the want of subsistence is unavoidable. * * * We have never experienced a like extremity at any period of the war." Well might be feared "the entire ruin of the money." The bills in circulation amounted to the enormous sum of one hundred and sixty millions of dollars-and the total product of the taxes since the beginning of the war was only three millions.

It was in the midst of this chaotic confusion, this vast distress, so discouraging to the people, and so encouraging to the enemy-five years of indecisive war having nearly elapsedthat Hamilton (Washington's "principal and most confidential aid,") familiar with all his embarrassments and intimate with all the wants of the army and of the country, at the age of twentytwo, soon after the army entered winter quarters at Morristown, is seen to have projected an enlarged plan for the restoration of the public credit, proposing an indispensable change in the whole administration of the public affairs. After an argued exposition of this plan, he wrote, "Congress have too long neglected to organize a good scheme of administration and to throw public business into proper EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENTS. For commerce, I prefer a Board, but for most other things single men. We want a Minister of War, a Minister of Foreign Affairs, a Minister of Finance, and a Minister of Marine. There is always more decision, more dispatch, more secrecy, more responsibility, where single men, than where bodies are concerned. By a plan of this kind we should blend the advantages of a Monarchy and a Republic in a happy and beneficial Union."*

The adoption of this plan was not immediate, but the almost desperate situation of affairs† prompted and induced Congress, though reluctantly, to vest certain executive powers in a committee of its own body. The immediate motive to this measure was an occurrence which was of great immediate benefit, but was afterwards productive of most deleterious consequences.

* History of Republic, i. 577. 1779. Ibid. ii. 11, February 25, 1780.

Hagan is within a few miles.

"Re-inforcements are expected-General The Virginia troops are somewhere! Assistance from that sister State has been expected these eighteen months." Colonel Laurens to General Lincoln-who, for want of this aid, was compelled to surrender Charleston.

The American people, instead of the glory of achieving their final victory by their own unassisted valor, were obliged to ask foreign aid. Foreign arms now came; and subsequently abusing its gratitude, foreign influence, for a time, poisoned the councils of this yet infant nation. "It appears to me," Hamilton wrote by the order and in the name of Washington, "of the greatest importance, and even of absolute necessity that a small committee should be immediately appointed to reside near Head Quarters, vested with all the powers Congress have, so far as respects the purpose of a full co-operation with the French fleet and army on the continent. Their authority should be plenipotentiary; to draw out men and supplies of every kind and to give their sanction to any operations which the commander in chief may not think himself at liberty to undertake without it, as well beyond as within the limits of these States. This committee can act with dispatch and energy. The conjuncture is one of the most critical and important we have seen. All our prudence and exertions are required to give it a favorable issue. Hesitancy and delay would, in all probability, ruin our affairs."*

A committee was appointed, but its powers were far short of those suggested in this letter. Critical as was the state of the public affairs, no adequate remedy had been provided. The Emissions of credit bills were almost valueless. This accumulation of promisest fell to the ground; and Congress at last adopted the measures proposed by Hamilton the preceding year, -by a pledge to reimburse the subscribers to a Bank, and by the sending a commissioner to Europe to negotiate a Loan. The continental paper money had been a substitute for Revenue. This failing, the fate of the Revolution was cast on the voluntary action of twelve States ungoverned by a common government, untied by any other tie than their common necessities. This was the natural and necessary consequence of the impotence which had prevailed. The repeated recommendations of Congress without power to enforce them, were as repeated proclamations of weakness. The influence of a lavish treasury, ceasing with the cessation of the emissions of bills of credit, Congress was almost without weight; and the patriotism of many was seen to sink in an equal ratio with the scale of the paper depreciation. The actual power being in the States, this portion of society turned towards them, and gave to their real an artificial,

* History of Republic, ii. 17, April 28, 1780.

† Ibid. 77.

*

baneful preponderance-"Congress," to use the words of a member, "gradually surrendering or throwing upon the several States the exercise of powers they should have retained, and to their utmost have exercised themselves, until at length they have scarce a power left, but such as concerns foreign transactions." The repeated recommendations to the States were not the only public admissions of weakness. All the measures to impart a temporary force to the action of Congress were equally acknowledgments of its want of power. The dictatorial authority conferred upon Washington was the most objectionable form national necessities could assume. Thus, every motive of experience, of justice, of honor, of reputation, of interest, of safety-demanded a Government of the People of the United States, a general will and a general united power to direct, express and enforce that will-in Hamilton's words, "a solid COERCIVE UNION."

The great industrial interests of New England early felt and early suggested a concert of action; and by successive conventions prepared the way for this great measure of political salvation. A Convention held at Providence in 'seventy-six was followed by another at Springfield of the four New England States and of New York, in 'seventy-seven. A third convention met at New Haven in 'seventy-eight, where New Jersey and Pennsylvania are stated also to have been present; and a fourth at Hartford in 'seventy-nine. The earlier conventions had in view limited but important, though, in part, impracticable, objects. The last convention shewed a great advance in public opinion. Massachusetts, at that time, the first of the States in active power and large intelligence, instructed her delegates, not only to consult as to measures to prevent a further depreciation of the money medium, but "to agree on a mode of internal trade and commerce in consistency with the general welfare;" and invited a larger meeting of Commissioners. This fifth Convention was held at Philadelphia on the twenty-ninth of January, 'eighty, at which were present the New England States, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland. New York was unavoidably absent, her legislature not having met to appoint commissioners; and Virginia was not represented. The objec tion to her conferring on Congress a power of taxation-that such taxes would fall upon the owners of lands was soon after

* John Matthews, of South Carolina.

urged. Resolved to ascertain definitely her views, the President of this convention was directed to request the Governor of that State, "to give the earliest notice of her determination" as to meeting the other States in Convention. Waiting her concurrence, it adjourned first until February, and then to April; when a call was made for a meeting in August. At this Sixth convention the only States represented were Massachusetts, Connecticut and New Hampshire.

Wise resolutions as to finance were there passed; and the great, much to be desired result, an invigoration of the power of the general Government, was approached. "They conceived it," they declared, "to be essential to our final safety, that the Union of these States be fixed in a more solid and permanent manner, that the power of Congress be more clearly ascer tained and defined, and that the important national concerns of the United States be under the superintendency and direction of one Supreme head-that the proper estimates of our public wants be seasonably made; and the necessary resources drawn forth and expended." With this purpose, the States were recommended to invest their Delegates in Congress with powers competent for the Government and direction of all those common and national affairs, which do not, nor can come within the jurisdiction of the particular States;" urging "a permanent system-establishing proper Boards, officers, and regulations for the direction of the several Departments necessary to be executed under Congress."-To carry this proposal into effect, a new confederation was to be acceded to by the States.

Insufficient as these suggestions were, Hamilton grasped at them as a promise of greater good. The powers proposed to be conferred would indeed be only revocable grants, at the mercy of any State; and as the public mind then was, the probability that the States would concur in conferring them was small. But these proceedings proved, that the necessity of a change was widely felt; and he resolved to endeavor by his counsels to rescue the great cause of American liberty from its present, its menacing, and menaced dangers.

An inaccurate statement of the proceedings of this Convention reached him by the twenty eighth of August; and on the third of September, seventeen hundred and eighty, in conformity with a previous promise, he communicated to a member of Congress, the grave thoughts with which his mind long had laboured. The enquiry during his non-age, written in his company pay-book,