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principle that the discussion of this question should be left free from all interference on the part of the Government, and that every member of that Government should on it be left to the free and unbiassed suggestions of his own conscientious discretion."

Lord Liverpool, in thus leaving every member of the Government free to exercise his own judgment on the most important question of domestic policy, abdicated the first duty of a minister, and established a most pernicious precedent, without any justification. So long as George III could attend to affairs of state, his strong religious feeling and the diseased condition of his intellect, afforded an excuse for not proposing a measure to which he conscientiously objected. But in the year 1812, the King's recovery was known to be hopeless, and the Catholic question might have been advantageously settled. During that session it was carried by a large majority (a majority of two to one) in the House of

Commons, and only rejected by one vote in the House of Lords.

An unworthy compliance with the capricious objection of the Regent (who had himself indulged in a mock marriage with a Roman Catholic), left this irritating question for seventeen years festering in the breasts of the Irish people, many of whom were then loyally fighting side by side with Protestant soldiers under the command of Wellington.

Although this contrivance of open questions was introduced by a Tory Ministry for the gratification of royalty, it has been since more frequently resorted to by the opposite party.

A ministry which avows itself to be neutral, and to have no fixed opinion on an important public matter, is in a discreditable position. This course of proceeding has been adopted to facilitate the united action of irreconcilable partisans; or else to obtain office under the mask of moderation, which mask is to be thrown aside whenever a convenient opportunity is offered.

Open questions are found convenient for the purpose of conciliating provincial politicians, -that class of narrow-minded electors, who attach more importance to some special measure, such as liberty to marry a deceased wife's sister, than to the general interests of the nation.

Candidates are induced to humour these whimsical voters by accepting pledges on such matters, in boroughs, where political parties are nearly balanced; and the result of these contests is afterwards trumpeted as a glorious party victory.

Such pledges have an immoral tendency, encouraging reckless politicians, and repelling respectable and conscientious candidates.

This effect of popular representation is, however, intimately connected with a more important problem, namely, the influence of different forms of government on the moral character of a people.

Political morality is in this country below

the general moral tone of educated society; and inasmuch as the extension of the franchise will include a lower class of voters, it must be expected that political morality will deteriorate rather than improve.

Absolute government and unrestricted democracy are both unfavourable to the character of a nation; but under every form of government the inducements to discreditable practices are so numerous, that political writers seem to regard the moral amelioration of a community to be no part of the duty of government.

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A BELIEF that mankind are advancing in knowledge, in virtue, and in happiness, would be a gratifying prospect of the future destiny of the human race. If we felt confident that the influence of democracy would accelerate this desirable result, who would not be a

democrat?

So far, however, as our limited experience enables us to judge of the effects of democratic rule, it appears to be ill-adapted to develop the higher qualities of mankind. Man's nature is compounded of such a variety of heterogeneous elements, that the preponderating power of any one class of men, although it may be the most numerous class, will operate unfavourably on

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