of government muft needs be the moft excellent, and the people's liberty moft fecured, where governors are least exposed to the baits and fnares of luxury. The evidence of this may be made out, not only by reason but by examples old and new. And first, by reason, it is evident, that the people muft needs be lefs luxurious than kings or the great ones because they are bounded within a more lonely pitch of defire and imagination: give them but panem & tircenses; bread, sport and ease, and they are abundantly fatisfied. Befides, the people have less means and opportunities for luxury, than those pompous ftanding powers, whether in the hands of one or many: so that were they never fo much inclined to vice or vanity, yet they are not able to run on to the fame measure of excess and riot. Secondly, as it appears they are lefs luxurious; fo, for this caufe also, it is clear, they (that is, their fucceffive reprefentatives) must be the best governors; not only, because the current of fucceffion keeps them the lefs corrupt and presumptuous; but also, because, being the more free from luxurious courfes, they are likewife free from thofe oppreffive and injurious practices, which kings and grandees are most commonly led and forced unto, to hold up the port and fplendor of their tyranny, and to fatisfy those natural appetites of covetoufness, pride, ambition and oftentation, which are the perpetual attendants of great ones, and luxury. Thus much for reafon. I Now, for example, we might produce a cloud of instances to fhew, that free-ftates, or the people duly qualified with the fupreme authority, are lefs devoted to luxury, than the grandee or kingly powers: but we fhall give you only a few. The first that comes in our way is the ftate of Athens, which whilft it remained free in the people's hands, was adorned with fuch govenors as gave them up to a ferious, abftemious, fevere courfe of life; fo that whilft temperance and liberty walked hand in hand, they improved the points of valour and prudence fo high, that in a fhort time they became the only ar bitrators (3 bitrators of all affairs in Greece. But being at the height, then (after the common fate of all worldly powers,) they began to decline; for (contrary to the rules of a free-ftate) permitting some men to greaten themselves, by continuing long in power and authority, they foon loft their pure principles of severity and liberty: for, upstarted those thirty grandees (commonly called the tyrants) who having ufurped a standing authority unto themfelves, prefently quitted the old difcipline and freedom, gave up themselves firft to charm of luxury, and afterwards to all the practices of an abfolute tyranny. Such alfo was the condition of that ftate, when at another time (as in the days of Piftratus) it was ufurped in the hands of a fingle tyrant, From Athens let us pafs to Rome, where we find it in the days of Tarquin, diffolved into debauchery. Upon the change of government, their manners where fomewhat mend.. ed, as were the governors in the fenate: but that being a standing power, foon grew corrupt; and firft let in luxury, then tyranny, till the people being interested in the government established a good discipline and freedom both together; which, was upheld with all severity, till the ten grandees, came in play; after whofe depofition, liberty and fobriety began to breathe again, till the days of Sylla, Marius, and other grandees that followed down to Cæfar, in whofe time luxury and tyranny grew to fuch a height, that unless it were in the life and conversation of Cato, there was not so much as one spark that could be raked out of the afhes, of the old Roman difcipline and freedom'; fo that of all the world, only Cato remained as a monument of that temperance, virtue and freedom which flourished under the government of the people. Omitting many other examples, our conclufion upon these particulars fhall be this, that fince the grandee or kingly powers are ever more luxurious than the popular are, or can be; and fince luxury ever brings on tyranny, as the only bane of liberty; certainly the rights and privileges of the people, placed placed and provided for, in due and orderly fucceffion of their fupreme affemblies, muft needs remain more fecure in their own hands, than in any others whatsoever. A tenth reafon, to prove the excellency of a free-ftate or government by the people, above any other form of government, is, because under this government, the people are ever indued with a more magnanimous, active, and noble temper of fpirit, than under the grandeur of any ftanding power whatsoever. And this arifes from that apprehension which every particular man hath of his own immediate share in the public intereft, as well as of that security which he poffeffes in the enjoyment of his private fortune, free from the reach of any arbitrary power, Hence it is that whenfoever any good fuccefs or happiness betides the public, every one counts it his own if the commonwealth conquer, thrive in dominion wealth or honour, he reckons all done for himself; if he fees diftributions of honour, high offices, or great rewards, to valiant, virtuous, or learned perfons, he efteems them as his own, as long as he hath a door left open to fucceed in the fame dignities and enjoyments, if he can attain unto the same measure of defert. This it is which makes men afpire unto great actions, when the reward depends not upon the will and pleafure of particular perfons, as it doth under all standing powers; but is conferred upon men (without any confideration of birth or fortune) according to merit, as it ever is, and ought to be in free-ftates, that are rightly conftituted. The truth of this will appear much more evident, if you lift a little to take a view of the condition of people, under various forms of government: for, the Romans of old, while under kings, as you heard before) remained a very inconfiderable people, either in dominion or reputation; and could never inlarge their command very far beyond the walls of their city. Afterwards, being reduced unto that standing power of the fenate, they began to thrive a little better, and, for a little time yet all they could do, was only to ftruggle for a fubfiftance fubfiftence among bad neighbours. But at length, when the people began to know, claim, and poffefs their liberties in being governed by a fucceffion of their fupreme officers and affemblies; then it was, and never till then, that they laid the foundation, and built the structure of that wondrous empire that overfhadowed the whole world. And truly the founding of it must needs be more wonderful, and a great argument of an extaordinary courage and magnanimity, wherewith the people was indued in recovery of liberty; because their firft conquefts were laid in the ruin of mighty nations, and fuch as were every jot as free as themselves: which made the difficulties, fo much the more, by how much the more free (and confequently, the more courageous) they were, against whom they made oppofition: for as in those days the world abounded with free-ftates, more than any other form, as all over Italy, Gallia, Spain, and Africa, &c. fo efpecially in Italy, where the Tufcans, the Samnites, and other emulators and competitors of the Roman freedom, approved themfelves fuch magnanimous defenders of their liberty against Rome, that they endured wars fo many years with utmost extremity, before ever they could be brought to bow under the Roman yoke. This magnanimous ftate of freedom was the caufe alfo why Carthage was enabled fo long, not only to oppofe, but often to hazard the Roman fortune, and ufurp the laurel. It brought Hannibal within view, and the Gauls within the walls of the city, to a befieging of the capitol; to fhew, that their freedom had given them the courage to rob her of her maiden-head, who afterwards became mistress of the whole world. But what ferves all this for, but only to fhew that as nothing but a state of freedom could have enabled those nations with a courage fufficient fo long to withstand the Roman power: fo Rome herself alfo was beholden to this state of freedom, for those fons of courage which brought the necks of her fifter-states and nations under her girdle? And it is obfervable also in after times, when tyranny took place against Jiberty liberty, the Romans foon loft their ancient courage and magnanimity; firft under ufurping dictators, then under emperors, and in the end the empire itself. Now, as on the one fide, we feel a lofs of courage and magnanimity, follow the lofs of freedom: fo, on the other fide the people ever grow magnanimous and courageous upon a recovery; witnefs at prefent, the valiant Swiffes, the Hollanders, and not long fince, our own nation, when declared a free ftate, and a re-eftablishment of our freedom in the hands of the people procured, (though not secured) what noble defigns were undertaken and profecuted with fuccefs? The confideration whereof, muft needs make highly for the honour of all governors in free-ftates, who have been, or fhall be inftrumental in redeeming and fetting any people in a fulness of freedom, that is, in a due and orderly fucceffion of their fupreme affemblies. (To be continued in our next Number.) For the PHILANTHROPIST. ON BRIBERY and CORRUPTION. (Concluded from our laft.) HE carried it fo far, that just before the decifive victory at Cuceronea, the very priestess of Apollo at Delphi was strongly fufpected to have been tampered with by that prince: for the confederate army, who were then going to engage, for the common liberties of Greece, could get no manner of encouragement from her; so that Demofthenes, who well knew the avarice of priests and their juggling tricks, might easily guess that Philip had fecured the oracle. At another time, a grave looking Demogogue of Athens, who had long bawl'd at the exorbitant power of the king of Macedon, was at length pre vailed |