the wretchedness we complain of, is not a neceffary attendant on focial union. The inftances indeed are almoft folitary, for I know of only one in Europe (unless the small republic of San Marino be confidered as one) and we must cross the Atlantic to find another. In no part of Europe are the lower claffes fo free from the evils of poverty, as in Switzerland, in the greater part of which, a flight tax on falt is the only burden. Every traveller must have remarked, that at Geneva, and the little district which surrounds it, the lower claffes are more comfortable, the peafantry better clad, more healthy and more happy, than in any other part of Europe,—forming a ftriking contrast to their wretched neighbours, oppreffed by the burdens imposed on them by the defpotic court of Turin. The example of America is still more ftriking. In America, we have an inftance of a government extending over an im menfe country, including a population rapidly rifing to a level with our own, carried on at about the hundred and fixtieth part of the annual expence of the English govenment: the expence of this laft, including the poor-rate and ecclefiaftical revenue, being (even before the prefent war) little less than 25,000,000l. and that of America not exceeding 150,000l. And what is the ftate of the lower orders in America? The queftion is anfwered by ftating this ftrong fact: in America the average price of labour is three fhilllngs fterling per day, and the price of neceffaries about one half of what it is int England. The general happiness of a country depends much more on the comfortable state of the lower orders than is commonly imagined. Not only the character and morals of the lower orders, but the general national character, are affected by it. The wretchedness resulting from extreme poverty has à direct tendency to debafe the human character. Energy of mind, active bodily induftry, and thofe continued exertions of both, which fo much improve intellect, promote health, and conftitute happiness, cannot be expected in beings who are without hope, and who are not acted upon by the ftimulus of adequate reward. reward. A familiarity with this kind of wretchedness has alfo an injurious effect upon the minds of the higher orders. Some of the beft principles of human nature are loft, and fome of the finest feelings of man blunted, by too frequent fights of mifery. Benevolence, that principle which of all others the most exalts our nature, is almost extinguished in countries where large claffes exhibit a constant appearance of wretchednefs. The relief of large numbers exceeds the limits of private ability, and the inability to do fo much as is required operates with too many as a ready excuse for doing nothing at all. Were inftances of mifery lefs frequent, the impreffion made by them would be ftronger: their too frequent recurrence begets an infenfibility, their magnitude placing them above the reach of private individuals to remedy. This begets a neceffity for national benevolence-national benevolence ! the very term is a prepofterous abfudity-it is charity without its principle, the neceffity for it, implying national injustice. A nation is not to relieve the diftreffes of the poor by acts of charity; it ought to prevent their existence by acts of justice. To conclude, it appears that the wretchedness of the lower orders in all countries, is principally produced by the errors or defects of government: that though arbitrary governments have the most immediate tendency to produce it, all other governments, which admit of a continued increase of national expenditure, indirectly promote it and that even the best form of government, if by errors in its administration, it should unfortunately have incurred a very large debt, and be thence under the neceffity of impofing very heavy burthens on its fubjects, muft participate the evils of the worst. I cannot indeed, help hazarding an opinion that every government, wheur it becomes extremely expenfive, muft approximate to defpotifm. " I forbear the direct application of thefe fentiments to our own country: if my premises be true, its profpects cannot be very bright. The ftate of the lower orders, I am perfuaded. marks marks more than any other circumftance, the state of a country: that of the lower orders here is certainly deplorable. Let us hope that their relief is within the reach of ordinary means; for the application of extraordinary means to remedy the evil, the hardieft cannot anticipate without dread. Your's &c. W. For the PHILANTHROPIST. ' A NEW SONG. By G. P--PPL--t--N. WHEN France, at the command of heav'n, Rais'd her ftrong arm and broke her chains, And guardian angels sung this ftrain. Be, O Gallia! the world's great fource of light, And purge from filth the mental fight. In vain shall haughty despots try, To make thee bend beneath the yoke ; Industry's hand, by thee employed, Be, O Gallia! &c. Shall make thy nume rous cities shine; The arts fhall in thy land refide, And profperity e'er be thine. Be, O Gallia! &c. The nations round shall learn from thee, Be, O Gallia! &c. No. 38. THE PHILANTHROPIST, MONDAY, DECEMBER 21. LONDON. Printed for and fold by DANIEL ISAAC EATON, Printer and Bookfeller to the Supreme Majefty of the People, at the Cock and SWINE, No. 74, Newgate street. 1795. PRICE ONE PENNY. ग For the PHILANTHROPIST. REASONS WHY THE PEOPLE ARE THE BEST KEEPERS OF THEIR OWN LIBERTIES. (Continued from No. 32.) A FOURTH reafon is, because a fucceffion of fupreme powers doth not only keep them from corruption, but it kills that grand cankerworm of a Commonwealth, to wit, faction; for, as faction is an adhering to, and a promoting of an intereft, that is diftinct from the true and declared intereft of state; fo it is a matter of neceflity, that those that drive it on muft have time to improve their flights and projects, in disguifing their defigns, drawing in inftruments and parties, and in worming out of their oppofites. The effecting of all this, requires fome length of time: therefore the only prevention is a due fucceffion and revolution of anthority in the hands of the people. That That this is moft true, appears not only by reafon, but by example if we obferve the several turns of faction in the Roman government. What made their kings fo bold, as to incroach and tyrannize over the people, but the very fame course that heightened our kings heretofore in England, to wit, a continuation of power in their own perfons and families? Then after the Romans became a Commonwealth, was it not for the fame reason, that the fenate fell into fuch-heats and fits among themselves? Did not Appius Claudius, and his junto, by the fame means, lord it over the fenate? Whence was it, that Sylla and Marius caused fo many proscriptions, cruelties, and combuftions in Rome, but by an extraordinary continuation of power in themfelves? How came it to pass likewife that Julius Cæfar afpired, and in the end attained the the empire? and, that the people of Rome quite loft their liberty; was it not by the fame means? For, had not the fenate and people so long protracted the power of Pompey and Cæfar; had Pompey had lefs command in Afia, and Cæfar lefs in Gallia, Rome might have ftood much longer in the poffeffion of her liberty. After the death of Cæfar, it was probable enough, they might then have recovered their liberty, but that they ran again into the fame error, as before: for by a continuation of power in the hands of Octavius, Lepidus, and Antony, the Commonwealth came to be rent and divided into three several fac tions; two of which being worn out by each other, only Octavius remained; who confidering, that the title of Perpetual Dictator was the ruin of his father Julius, continued the government only for a fet time, and procured it to be fettled upon himself but for ten years. But what was the effect of this continuation of power? Even, this, that as the former protractings had been the occafions of faction, fo this produced a tyranny: for, at the end of every ten years, he wanted no pretence to renew a lease of the government; and by this means fo played his cards, that at length he easily and utterly extinguished the fmall remains of the Roman freedom. The |