and, as in republics, the people have not fo conftant and fo present a view of the causes of their misery, and as the magistrates seem to act only in conformity to the laws; hence liberty is generally faid to refide in republics, and to be banished from monarchies. In a word, as in democracies, the people seem to act almost as they please: this fort of government has been deemed the moft free, and the power of the people has been confounded with their liberty. It is true, that in democracies the people feem to act as they please; but political liberty does not confift in an unlimited freedom. In governments, that is, in focieties directed by laws, liberty can confift only in the power of doing what we ought to will, and not in being constrained to do what we ought not to will. We must have continually in our minds the difference between independence and liberty.-Liberty is a right of doing whatever the laws permit; and, if a citizen could do what they forbid, he would be no longer poffeffed of liberty, because all his fellow-citizens would have the fame power. Democratic and Ariftocratic ftates are not, in their own nature, free. Political liberty is to be found only in moderate governments; and even in these it is not always found. It is there only, when there is no abuse of power; but constant experience fhews us, that every man, invested with power, is apt to abuse it; and to carry his authority as far as it will go. Is it not strange, though true, to say that virtue itself has need of limits? To prevent this abuse, it is neceffary, from the very nature of things, that power fhould be a check to power. A government may be fo conftituted, as that no man shall be compelled to do things to which the law does not oblige him; nor forced to abstain from things which the law permits. Though all governments have the fame general end, which is that of preservation, yet each has another particular object. Increase of dominion was the object of Rome: war that of Sparta; religion, that of the Jewish laws; commerce, that of Marseilles ; Marseilles; public tranquility, that of the laws of China; navigation, that of the laws of Rhodes; natural liberty, that of the policy of the Savages; in general, the pleasures of the prince, that of defpotic ftates; that of monarchies, the prince's. and the kingdom's glory:-the independence of individuals is the end aimed at by the laws of Poland, and from thence refults the oppreffion of the whole. Mr. EDITOR, For the PHILANTHROPIST. WHILE political diftinctions and fubtleties divide one half of the human race, while the remainder (at least for the moft part) drawl out guilty lives in praying, deceiving, and fasting; Philanthropy ought to be revered, much revered whenever and however found. The title of your book is aufpicious of much good, thofe who have the fatisfaction to peruse it find it even fo. Yet it ought not (in my opinion) to abound always with political excellence only. Morality like gold, is intrinfically valuable ; however, fociety on its prefent principles may dispense with the virtues: choofing to deify the vices of the age. Individual men, whatever be their conduct, are faid by fome to have no relations, and to produce no effects by their actions, in common with the interests of the whole people. In the abftract it is fo: but when good or bad actions are confidered collectively, particular men neceffarily grow of weight in our contemplation. I would detect the vices of the few, for the fake of the many as I would ftop a thief for the fake of his profecutor. Eventually I have no other intereft inthe apprehending of fuch a man, but what is in common with and for the preservation of the whole community. Hence the crime of an apothecary, in not regularly attending to the necessary demands of a deceased fellow-man, as being a-kin with deliber ate ate affaffination, is paramount in confequence and primacy in itle, to the public profecution and public cenfure of a highwayman or thief. The latter, in most instances give the fignal of attack. The former ftudies to conceal his defign. Thus impreffed, I cannot but conclude that you will oblige a difinterested Philanthropist, by the inferting of the following lines (occafioned by the wilful inhumanity of a certain city apothecary) in your valuable mifcellany. I am &c. A. M. L. TO THE HUMANE. While Fortune dazzles round our fov'reign's throne, Why do I celebrate a name unknown.: Only because the guilty ought to find The utmost veng'ance of an upright mind. Cleveland! that promis'd, but forgot to come, To moral men, in any sphere of life, Procures true wealth, true honour, and true fame. 1 Against the folemn duties of a friend. That That man who fawns the fighing foul; and then, Nor heeds the danger: but revolves in state, Hail! lone and penfive, wand'ring in the drear I view the ruggid fummit with regret, Who can defire the fummit; while below, } The fick man's groans can roufe the favage herd, And footh the rancour of the vult'rous bird; But man, more civil, hurries to be gone : He fighs!-and leaves the fuffering fage alone. Was fuch the cafe: fay, Cleaveland! was it fo? When you stood trembling for another's woe: When you exclaim'd" alas! I own I've been "Neglectful of my duty: yet I mean "Henceforth to prove, the sympathy I share, "With you, dear fuff ring object of my care! " "Thofe fighs, those throbs, those vulnerating groans, "That gnaw our hearts, and even waste our bones, "Fill thee with dread: but yet, I trust that time, "Some certain drugs, and change of air and clime, "Will foon fupprefs, foon diffipate the pain; "And, in promoting, nerve your health again." These were your words, ignoble Cleaveland thefe, The reeking accents of thy pageant ease; Lefs would entitle you to fome belief From one faft finking under weight of grief. 'Mid |