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fail of a windmill, and the wheel of a water-mill in action: we know alfo, that thefe machines grind corn, and reduce the bark of trees to powder: but we know nothing of the structure of them, and can hardly help confounding a carpenter with an hewer of wood."

"We all carry watches in our pockets, but do we know the mechanism of the fusee round which the chain is wound? Də we understand the use of the spiral line which accompanies the balance? It is just the same as to the most common trades: we know the names of them, and no more. Instead of endeavouring to gain a reasonable knowledge of commerce, manufactures, and mechanics, which are the delight and ornament of that society wherein we are to spend our lives, we pique ourselves on attaining all the niceties of quadrille, or bury ourselves in folitude, upon fpeculations that, have no foundation but in our whimsical imaginations. And, if little judgment is fhewn in the choice of our pleafures, a ftill greater want of it will probably appear in our ftudies. We run after whatever makes the moft noise, and the moft fenfible people are at laft obliged to confefs, that they repent more the lofs of the time they have employed in ftudying the fubtleties and fooleries of the schools, the arts of pedantry, and the crack-brained altercations of enthusiastic zealots, than of what they have spent in the learning of mufic, which is fometimes an amufement to them."

"The father or mother of a family, the head of a community, a merchant, a lawyer, a juftice of peace, or any of those who have the government either of the actions or confciences of others, may be never the worse for not understanding the monades of Leibnits, or the difputative bombaft of the dogmatists; but there is no one who would not acquit himself better in his employment, was he to acquire a true knowledge of the arts and trades wherein the common people are bufied. This kind of philofophy is a thousand times more to be elteemed, than thofe fyftems whofe inutility is their leaft fault." Poftlethwayt's Dictionary of Trade and Commerce. Article, Manufacturers.

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"The principle end of a political furvey of any country, is, to point out its capacity, under the regulation of a wife policy, to render the inhabitants thereof independent, potent, and happy. In regard to a matter of this importance, more especially in an age fo, enlightened as this, affertions are not regarded as arguments; and even arguments, however fpecious or plaufible, if unfupported by facts, are not looked upon as conclufive. As far as rhetoric, panegyric, and all the powers of eloquence could reach, BRITAIN, as we have more than once had occafion to fhew, has been as highly celebrated as any country could be. But how much foever fuch pieces may pleafe, they feldom carry in them any great degree of information, and will by no means furnish any fatisfactory answers to objections. In order to accomplish this, it is requifite to pursue another method, to go to the bottom of things, to enter, and even to enter minutely into particulars, and by thus proceeding step by ftep, to render whatever is affirmed as clear and as certain as poffible. It must be allowed, that this, as well as other countries, hath been fubject to very great viciffitudes, and to frequent revolutions, in confequence of which, not only the condition of the inhabitants, but the very fade and appearance of the country itself, hath been in different periods greatly altered, which in fuch a furvey ought to be remarked and explained. Many of its natural advantages were at all times too obvious not to be difcerned; and yet fome of these have never been improved, while others again, paffing wholly unnoticed, have been of courfe totally neglected. But within these two laft centuries, fince the reformation produced the revival of useful fcience, the eyes of men have been in a great meafure opened and in confequence of this, much more has been done within that period than in many ages before. Thefe improvements, how great foever, ought only to be confidered as fo many laudable models, calculated to excite a ftill ftronger principle of public fpirit and emulation; as there ftill remain various of our native prerogatives unexerted, feveral great refources unexplored, and not a few means yet untried, by which even great

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er things than have been yet done, might be ftill effected in agriculture, manufactures, and commerce, by profecuting the aptitude this country has for almost every possible species of improvement, and thereby rendering it the noble and respectable center of as extenfive, flourishing, and well governed an empire, as any on which, fince launched from the hand of the Creator, the fun has ever shone.”

As a basis for such a superstructure, we hazarded fome poli_ tical sketches of the great empires in antiquity, and fhewed from facts that fuch ftupendous edifices might be erected; and descending from these countries, which, both in time and fituation were lefs remote, we made it equally evident, that these powers of construction were not confined to any quarter of the globe, or at all constrained to the particular circumstances of foil or climate. But that wisdom and induftry, prudence and perseverance, were engines capable of overcoming almost any obftacle and removing every defect, and even in fome cafe of converting apparent defect into real advantages. We also ventured to draw the veil a little, and to render it manifeft, that these amazing effects were not performed by those mysterious and refined arts which have ufurped the name of policy in modern ages; but by fimple and folid maxims, infpired by genius, approved by reafon, and confirmed by experience. From these sprung a system of rule, founded on a few well-weighed principles, fuited to the genius and circumftances of the people, and invariably tending to the public good. Inftitutions, plain, fuccinct, and agreable to the natural notions that all men have of justice; by which a fenfe of thame was made as much as poffible to ferve instead of punishment. Idleness was profcribed as the infamous mother of vices; benevolence confidered as the vifible image of virtue; and industry refpected as the parent of independency: which, by affording a comfortable support to private families, maintained order, vigor, harmony, and of courfe the welfare and ftability of the ftate. In a word, the conftitution prefcribing their duty to magiftrates, the laws controuling the actions of individuals, and the man

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ners diffufed from thofe, either honoured with titles, or trufted with power, conveyed a fpirit of obedience through all ranks, from a consciousness that, in pursuing the public weal, they took the best and surest method of pursuing their private interefts. By the operations of these systems, vaft countries became full of people, lodged in cities, towns, and villages ; while to furnish thofe with fubfiftence, their lands of every kind grew by continual cultivation to look like gardens; but when these were overborn by violence, or undermined by corruption, those lands followed the fate of their inhabitants; and as they relapfed into a state of nature, or which is little better, into a state of fervitude, thofe likewife became, in comparison of what they were, fo many wilderneffes deformed with ruins." Dr. Cambell's Political Survey of Great Britain. Vol. I. Sect. IX. page 705.

September, 26th, 1795.

THOSE

ON THE DUTCH NATION.

HOSE who would have it that the frugality of that nation flows not fo much from neceffity, as a general averfion to vice and luxury, will put us in mind of their public administration and smallness of faleries, their prudence in bargaining for and buying ftores and other neceffaries, the great care they take not to be imposed upon by those that serve them, and their severity against them that break their contracts. But what they would ascribe to the virtue and honefty of minifters, is wholly due to their strict regulations concerning the management of the public treafure, from which their admirable form of government will not fuffer them to depart; and indeed one good man may take another's word, if they so agree, but a whole nation ought never to trust to any honefty, but what is built upon neceffity; for unhappy is the people, and their conftitution will be ever precarious, whofe welfare must depend upon the virtue and confciences of Minifters and Politicians.

No. 31.

THE PHILANTHROPIST.

MONDAY, NOVEMBER 2, 1795.

LONDON:

Printed for and fold by DANIEL ISAAC EATON, Printer and Bookfeller to the Supreme Majefty of the People, at the Cock and SWINE, No. 74, Newgate street.

1795.

PRICE ONE PENNY.

For the PHILANTHROPIST.

ON LIBERTY;

Tranflated from the French of Montefquieu.

THERE is no word which admits of more various fignifi

cations, and has made more different impreffions on the human mind, than that of Liberty. Some have taken it for a facility of depofing a person on whom they had conferred a tyrannical authority; others, for the power of chufing a fuperior whom they are obliged to obey; others, for the right of bearing arms, and of being thereby enabled to use violence; others, in fine, for the privilege of being governed by a native of their own country, or by their own laws.

A certain nation, for a long time, thought liberty confifted in the privilege of wearing a long beard. Some have annexed this name to one form of government, exclusive of all others: -those who had a republican tafte, applied it to this fpecies of polity; those who liked a monarchical state, gave it to monarchy. Thus they have all applied the name of liberty to the government moft fuitable to their own cuftoms and inclinations :

and

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