No. 21. 1 THE PHILANTHROPIST. MONDAY, AUGUST 17, 1795. LONDON: Printed for and fold by DANIEL ISAAC EATON, Printer and Bookfeller to the Supreme Majefty of the People, at the Coex and SwINE, No. 74, Newgate street. 1795. PRICE ONE PENNY. A CIVIC ESSAY. (Concluded.) WHEN we engaged in the war, we were informed that the end was, the faving of our allies, and fettling of Europe. The cafe is long inverted; Europe is distracted; and the war is our own in burden and price; nor can we leave it. We call it the mild and good reign of George the Third: but in this fame reign two wars, the most difgraceful and diftressful happened; the latter is not yet over; it indeed feems at a desperate ftage. Are the expences of his Majefty lefs than those of past kings; and are his exactions more humane? Do propagation and acquifition florifh inviolate beneath the shelter of his religious and gracious power? or does his avaricious fcepter strike at the vitals of real and perfonal property! The taxes of the day are heavy-heavy on the poor-and eafy to the rich; the lives and rights of the former are the sport and support of, are purchased and facrificed by, the latter: the bleffings of life are swallowed into the gulphs of luxury, and the riches of trade flow into the bafons of monopoly. Scanty and thirsty are the precarious rills that remain from the luxuriant gardens, the golden golden pleafares of the great, to wet the exhaufted fields of the multitude of labour and contempt. We add of late to the other titles of our wife and victorious king, fome rivers and captures in the Indies, but (not to say that these are dear and precarious feizures, fince they coft to us many millions of money, and thousands of lives, and even the favages and flaves are pantingly impatient of our chriftian charity) do we vainly hope that the French will never be equal to us on the ocean? Have we no dread at their getting into Holland, acquiring additional force, and open room to our coafts? And is it not likely that the whole of our West India Islands will fhortly be in their poffeffion? Muft we not fo relinquish the captures, that are to reimburse to us the immenfe expences of war? And should the French effect this, will the government tell the nation, that though they called home war, yet the people ought and must fight for the continuance of that power, that fettered and trampled down all the liberty, the fecurity-whatever they used to enjoy, that spoiled their daily bread; and left them to pine in want, thousands in want of common neceffaries? Do our statesmen think that the multitude can still be ignorant that THE WAR IS MORE TO BREAK INDEPENDENCE IN ENGLAND, THAN JACOBINISM IN FRANCE. A name is in itself nothing, yet we daily fee that parties and factions do every thing in hunting down people averse to their worst measures by bad words: I will put a familiar cafe. Roberfpierre, the late head of the Jacobins, was proclaimed traitor, dictator, monster; because he seemed ambitious of the first place among his citizens: yet it is notorious that during his prefidency the French executed what were ridiculed the vaunts of their reverie; and now by confequence flourish to the terror of all their enemies. However it is eafy to perceive, that his facrifice was the effect of jealousy in a convention whose leading features are equal honours; and not of the nation at large, to whom probably he were still dear, had he not become obnoxious to the schemes of party. Now for the fake of a contrast, I will fuppofe that the king, or his manager, in this land of freedom, involved the reluctant nation nation in the most ruinous war: that he feduces the whole parliament to his arbitrary measures from their fidelity and duty: that he takes the monies of the the people to fubfidize princes nearer to the danger than ourselves; and feizes the perfons and private writings of any that dare to speak out, or meet together, about holding charters long ago granted to fecure life and property from the gripe and avarice of bad governors: that thus he brings the constitution to an inquifition, where men are obliged to accuse themselves, and to fall under the yoke of paffive obedience: I will fuppofe this, and ask whether is the worfe dictator, the late demagogue of France, or the public manager of England? I will ask more, what is the difference, to all good intents and purposes, between the Gallic dictator, and the British minifter; if even the former was removing all oppofition to his aspiring defigns at the expence of his country: and if the latter purchases over, or tramples down all who struggle for the old rights and compacts of the people; and fo strengthens his party, that the government muft fall when he goes: If this be fo, all reafonable thinkers will conceive that these different names fignify the fame, or a like idea, on each fide of our argument. However the fate of Roberfpierre proves that the dictator of a free people is accountable: but, I take it, few with us will affert that ours is at present refponfible. The glow of French liberty confumes every thing like tyranny; while subject prudence elsewhere, the cautious fifter of fear, fuffers all the abuses of power. The English were ever amufed with the founds constitution and representation; but now they must see them to be empty names. Perhaps the only quality of conftitution is the trial by jury; and it is notorious that, in any of the cafes of government, it can be counteracted by judicial chicane to purposes of state. But as to reprefentation, it is sham and venality. Not to fay that the majority of the fenate get in, and fit down as fervants of the crown, wherever the fhow of reprefentation remains, the money and influence of candidates and nobles, are infallible. In the house, the elected confiders him amenable to government government alone; and if he speaks for his electors, and act. the part of a patriot, it is moftly to provoke a good engagement on the other fide, So that often he that shines one day, the orator of the people, abufes them on the morrow, as only fit to. cater luxuries for noblemen, from whom they must ftand at aweful diftance on poor allowance. After all, conftitution and reprefentation are poftulates to the encomiafts of government: they go to the diforders of Greece and Rome to prove against republics, But were the modes of representing now practifed in America, known to thofe glorious democracies, inftead of the confufion of every one speaking and giving fuffrage in their popular aflemblies, their conftitutions had not been weather-cocks turned about by the perfuafive breath of leaders, and orators. In America, an unperplexed code is a constitution, a common criterion of law and right; and the representative is the mesfenger to congrefs, fpeaking the particular fentiments and occa-. fions of his conftituents; to them he is anfwerable; and continues or abdicates as they will it. He cannot keep his office in fpite to the eighth year; and fell their natural and civil rights, and laugh at them to boot. But if the French imitate the civic vengeance of Rome, they revive her difinterefted virtue. Punishment the moft fevere is neceffary to maintain order after fuch a wreck of eftates, and lucrative places, that flourished for thousands in the rapacity. and luxury of the late government. Thus confidering the change of fortunes we must admire their mutual charity; and fee that the mighty preffure, from without, made unanimity within. It gives alfo an instance of the invincible force of the public mind in France; and fhews that though they fometimes leave their great caufe to follow divided interefts, yet they all rally around the fandard of national liberty. Whence it comes that the monarchic rod of iron can never be exerted again untill the ftripes and wounds it inflicted be forgotten. Our effort to raise this fallen tyranny is a proof of the badness of our own polity. Virtue is not uneafy in the fall of vice. We only want to have inhuman pretexts for our own abuses and and cruelties: We want to keep our old axiom of being the best of bad governments: but were we wife we muft perceive that, in balancing evils, the difference, if even good, is nothing in the fcales against weights of mischief. In like manner our exciting (and rejoicing in) the downfal of French dictators or leaders, argues our want of fagacity: Their removal can only bring confufion, prefent difpute and quarrel, in the collifion of irritated parties; and make caution and experience in future. Howeyer France cannot be quiet in a boisterous day; but, after the storm fubfide, we may hope, from the advances of knowledge, and feience, that fhe will take the integrity and leave the infanity of the antient democracies; and give to the ftates a pattern of pacific as she did of military glory. After all, if, like the old republics, he be the dupe of infinuating artifice, her liberty is cheated, but not extinguished. In republics there is a fpirit always afloat which monarchies take care to quench. In Greece and Rome the people, being the creatures and clients of eloquent and valiant patrons, were moftly led, but feldom driven into their ambitious measures. In the latter examine the characters of a Marius, a CæfarJulius, his glories and his virtues, you will discover in their faces all the fine features of honour, and hardihood. When their lives were changed, or their defigns were known, they were dashed to abafement, and dragged in the duft. *Speak, O man! does this capacious feene, When guilt brings down the thunder, call'd aloud |