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"War in each breaft, and freedom on each brow;
"How much unlike the fons of freedom now!"-

I trust there is yet left among us a fpirit which our immortal forefathers cherished as the dearest jewel of their lives. I hope the day is not far diftant when this fpirit will again exert itfelf to the terror of oppreffiors, and the protection of virtue. The glory of a HAMPDEN is not-fled from the land which cannot, or dares not rival it. Let me hope there are men among us who make it their boaft, their triumph, to brave every peril for the good of a much burthened country. By the memory of a SYDNEY, and a RUSSELL, let me ftimulate you to activity and determination. By all the never-fading laurels, which yet bloom around their tombs, let me invoke you to look around, and view your fituation, as becomes men who dare exert yourselves in the fupport of Liberty. Think of the dangers attendant on a careless, and indifferent conduct at this period, when a tempeft lowers above us, and feems ready to overwhelm the kingdom in deftruction. This is a cause which concerns every man; and which every man ought seriously to investigate. It is not an ordinary matter, fimilar to other meafures which the government has heretofore thought it expedi ent to pursue. We are not at present engaged in a war which can be paralleled by any former precedent within the memory of man. Nay! all history may be ranfacked 'ere we shall be able to find any tranfaction fimilar to it in its commencement, in the mode of conducting it, or in the dreadful confequences that are likely to enfue from it's continuance.

How alarming then, muft our fituation appear to be, when the rich fear the deftruction of their property, and the poor feel the grievous oppreffions, and exactions that are required from them? and for what purposes required?-To maintain an immenfe armed force in the heart of the country;-to affift the monarchs of neighbouring states in the support of their power; and to engage them to unite with us in attempting to crush a brave and enlightened people, fighting in fupport of Liberty,

and

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and independence. Oh! fhame to the British name! thus to step forward in the cause of despotifm, and tarnish the glories of a long line of virtuous anccftry, who fupported the caufe we have not the courage to own. Indelible difgrace! to number us in the counfels of arbitrary monarchs, whofe will constitutes the only rule of law by which their wretched fubjects are governed. And what are we to expect from the numerous bodies of troops which are now in the pay of government; and stationed in every quarter of the country? Are thefe men neceffary to fupport our Liberties? Do they not rather opprefs us by their numbers, and inactivity? Do they not form a clafs, diftinct from that of useful citizens, with fentiments naturally arifing from their fituation, equally deftructive to virtue, and liberty?

The Roman name fell a victim to the licentiousness of her armies. Her defenders became her governors, when the neceffary connection between the foldier and the citizen was at an end. A general fupinenefs and relaxation of manners fuccecded to that noble spirit of independance, which fo ftrongly marked her character, during the brighter ages of the commonwealth. Her Liberties, her glories, which held a tributary world in awe, were all at the difpofal of the Partrician bands. She funk, never to rife again; and fell a prey to the surrounding nations of barbarians, who laid waste her most fertile provinces, destroyed her cities, and her temples, and loaded themfelves with the richest of her spoils. Let the destiny of Rome be a warning to Britain. A free nation acknowledges the laws only to be fupreme; and keeps a jealous eye upon the fource 'from whence they flow. Our ancestors regarded this maxim, and became renewed. When we lofs fight of it, woe be to the land, and to the people! then may corruption appear abroad, and receive carreffes; and then may the virtuous man feek a hiding place to cover his head from the storm.

Perhaps you may condemn the warmth of temper which pervades every part of this short addrefs, and confequently remain careless to its contents. I have always thought it praise

worthy

worthy to be arduous in concerns of great moment. · ·Coolness in such cases, seems to me to partake of criminality. To foresee danger, and to roufe the indolent, who might otherwife be sufferers, requires the thunder of a Demofthenes, rather than the argumentation of a Cicero. Were the Athenian now living, a witness to the present calamitous state of Great Britain, and interested in its fate, his eloquence would invigorate the most timid with fentiments of patriotifm and glory. Mind's otherwife reverse and oppofite, would be united in the common cause of liberty. Existence would offer a higher relish, when impending clouds fhould be diffipated by the grandeur and elevation of his fentiments.

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My countrymen, I am no orator to plead the cause of oppreffed virtue. It is not my wish to mislead, nor would that be in my power, supposing my intentions to be corrupt. Your good fenfe would foon detect, and condemn me. I revere the foil which has nourished my youth; and my gratitude, my affection urges me to proclaim my fears for the commonweal which feem but too well founded. You, the people, are the general guardians of your rights; take heed therefore to the gradual and rapid infringements that have been made upon them. You are the affertors of those rights, be therefore firm and intrepid. What is there to fear, while you follow the dictates of justice and common sense? there is every thing to fear when you difcard them, Shall a dread of danger prevent a man from fulfilling the most urgent and neceffary duties of his nature? must we fly from tyranny, when it is our duty to cope with it? God forbid that we should ever let the idea enter into our minds. Life itself is desirable so long only as it is honourable; and without honour, he must be a despicable wretch who would wish to preserve the former.

After all that has been faid, I could yet wish for the affistance of a fuperior being, to imprefs your minds more forcibly with the few leading ideas contained in this addrefs. Armed with fuch powers, I should illumine your hearts with the in

delible

delible traces of truth; and hurl destruction on all her enemies however high their rank and authority.

Let no man play the coward; and be ready to fay, in the words of the Poet,

-I dare not fpeak much farther,

"But cruel are the times, when we are traitors,
། "And do not know ourselves: when we hold rumour

From what we fear, yet know not what we fear;
"But float upon a wild and violent fea
"Each way and move."

Let no honeft men fay, with the fame Poet,

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"I've done no harm. But I remember now

"I'm in this earthly world, where to do harm
"Is often laudable; to do good, fometimes
"Accounted dangerous folly."

The most dangerous folly, is that of dragging out a frail and feverish being, after its native dignity is fullied with overbearing tyranny; and when it becomes loathfome and deformed, by a humiliating submission to the infolence of affumed authority.

From the mouths of Britons, the following refolution of Brutus, feems much more characteristic and becoming:

"Brutus

had rather be a Lybian,

"Than to repute himself a fon of Rome,
"Under fuch hard conditions, as this time,
"Is like to lay upon us."

THE

THE BRITISH SOLDIER's REFLECTION!

I

ON THE CONTINENT.

A Parody on the "WATERMAN.",

WAS, d'ye fee, a Briton born,

As blythe and bold as any,

"Till from my happy cottage torn,
I liv'd as bleft as many;
To courtly pride I never knelt,
Nor fell beneath their frown:

In ruftic toil I daily dealt,

And call'd an honeft clown,

With peaceful cheer, unknown to fear,
I past a jocund life;

And in this undisturb'd retreat,
Kind heav'n had made my blifs compleat,
In a faithful loving wife.

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