2 have enflaved us but by an army? and whether there is any way of securing us from falling again into flavery but by dibanding them? It was in that fenfe I understood his Majesty's declaration, and therefore did early take up arms for him, as I fhall be always ready to do. It was this alone which made his affiftance neceffary to us, otherwife we had wanted none but the hangman's. I will venture to fay, that if this army does not make us flaves, we are the only people upon earth, in such circumstances, that ever escaped it with the fourth part of their number. It is a greater force than Alexander conquered the east with, - than Cæfar had in his conquest of Gaul, or indeed the whole Roman empire; double the number that any of our ancestors ever invaded France with, Agefilaus the Perfians, or Huniades and Scanderbeg the Turkish empire; as many again as was in any battle between the Dutch and Spaniards in forty years war, or betwixt the king and parliament; four times as many as the Prince of Orange landed with in England; and in short, as many as hath been on both fides in nine battles of ten that were ever fought in the world. If this army does not enslave us, it is barely because we have a virtuous prince that will not attempt it; and it is a most miserable thing to have no other security for our liberty, than the will of a man, though the most just man living; for that is not a free government where there is a good prince (for even the most arbitrary governments have had fometimes a relaxation of their miseries) but where it is fo conftituted, that no one can be a tyrant if he would. Cicero says, though a mafter does not tyrannize, yet it is a lamentable confideration that it is in his power to do fo; and therefore fuch a power is to be trufted to none, which if it does not find a tyrant, commonly makes one; and if not him, to be fure a fucceffor. If any one, during the reign of Charles II. when those that were called Whigs, with a noble spirit of liberty, both in the Parliament House and in private companies, opposed a few guards as badges of tyranny, a deftruction to our conftitution, and and the foundations of a standing army, I fay, if any should have told them that a deliverer fhould come and rescue them from the oppreffion under which they then laboured; that France by a tedious and confumptive war, should be reduced to ha!f the power it then had; and even at that time they should not only be paffive, but use their utmost interest, and distort their reafon to find out arguments for keeping up fo vast an army, and make the abufes of which they had been all their lives complaining, precedents to justify thofe proceedings; whoever would have told them this, must have been very regardless of his reputation, and been thought to have had a great deal of ill nature. But the truth is, we have lived in an age of miracles, and there is nothing fo extravagant that we may not expect to fee, when furly patriots grow fervile flatterers, old commonwealthsmen declare for the prerogative, and admirals for the fleet. To conclude, we have a wife and virtuous prince*, who has always endeavoured to please his people by taking those men into his councils, which they have recommended to him by their own choice: and when their intereft has declined, he has gratified the nation by turning them out. I would therefore give this feasonable advice to those who were once called Whigs, that the way to preferve their intereft with his majesty, is to keep it with the people; that their old friends will not defert them till they defert their country; which when they do, they will be left to their own proper merits. And though I am not much given to believing prophecies, yet I dare be 'a prophet for once, and foretel, that then they will meet with the fate of king Phys and king Uth, in the Rehearsal, Their new mafters will turn them off, and nobody elfe will take them. *WILLIAM III. A NEW 1 (To the old Tune of "God fave the King.) To be fung by the Correfponding Society, and the Friends of Liberty, at their Grand Meeting. GOD fend each Nation Peace, May they victorious cease, Of Liberty has fought, And has triumphant brought Into tyrannic Courts, Freedom once more. Let each example lead Britons to valiant deeds, Worthy our praise; Rear up the glorious cause, Let us no longer pause, No longer inactive fleep, Tyrants already weep, Freedom's our Right. Down with Corruption's fway, Virtue dictates my lay, God fave the Cause. No. 17. THE PHILANTHROPIST. MONDAY, JULY 20, 1795. LONDON: Printed for and fold by DANIEL ISAAC EATON, Printer and Bookfeller to the Supreme Majefty of the People, at the Cock and SWINE, No. 74, Newgate ftreet. 1795. PRICE ONE PENNY. AN ADDRESS TO THE COMMON SENSE OF BRITONS. THE Complexion of the Times, my Fellow-Countrymen, and the Measures of Administration, demand the clofeft attention of every thinking mind. Falfe rumours and alarms have been spread throughout the kingdom, founded on the most ungenerous suspicions; the minds of men have been much agitated, and pointed against each other; and at this moment the virulence of party rages with unbounded licentiousness. These are melancholy, and incontrovertible truths. Borne away with the stream of minifterial power and corruption, how many well meaning men wish in vain, to put a period to the calamities of their country-thefe calamities which are daily encreafing among us. Bent beneath the iron hand of oppreffion, how many feem ready to fink under the load, and seek an asylum in the filent grave. Their cares, their anxieties, their griefs will then be at an end. What spirit of pride, or of madness is it, which influences the minds of those who at present rule over us? What dæmon is there that would not feel for the wounds of our bleeding country? It can be no ordinary spirit of of malignity against the happiness of human nature which ac tuates them. The pride of nations! this ifle once fhone with a luftre equal to the brightest models of antiquity. Juftice and liberty took up their abode with us. The confenting voice of mankind, in every country of the world strongly evinced a love of our character, as a nation of free and virtuous people. Our honours remained unfullied, fo long as truth, and the uncontaminated feelings of nature were refpected. And are thefe times for ever fled? fhall we now fall under the preffure of accumulated diftreffes, without even betraying a wish to acquit ourselves like men? Shall I put these few questions to every man who reads this paper? You are an Englishman-your birthright is freedom-your fathers bled for the inheritance which has been handed down to you; gloriously they bled in the field, or on the scaffold; and will you prove yourself a degenerate fon, tamely fubmiffive to every infringement upon your rights?-fupine and indifferent, while chains are forging to bind you faft for ever?-heedless of your pofterity, who must curfe the hour which brought them into existence under fuch circumftances, miferable indeed, when the voice of liberty is choked in the bud? Can you patiently behold your children cringing in abject fubmiflion to the will of a fellow creature? cringing for fubfiftence to preserve a life of infamy? Can you implore the bleffing of heaven on a progeny thus debased below the native 、 dignity of humanity? could I for a moment suppose that you would anfwer me in the affirmative-then, indeed, would I have infinite reafon to murmur at the difpenfation of providence, in having caft my lot among you; and be led to despise the country which gave me birth. In these times fome would be ready to exclaim, in the words of the poet, a little altered "Heavens! how unlike their British fires of old! "Rough, poor, content, ungovernably bold; "War |