of diftinction you please. A government is a mere piece of clock-work; and having such springs and wheels must act after such a manner; and therefore the art is to constitute it so that it must move to the public advantage. It is certain that every man will act for his own intereft, and all wife governments are founded upon that principle: fo that this whole mystery is only to make the intereft of our governors and the governed the fame. In an abfolute monarchy, where the whole power is in one man, his intereft will be only regarded; in an aristocracy, the intereft of a few; and in a free government, the interest of every one. This would be the cafe of England, if some abuses that have lately crept into our constitution were removed. The freedom of this kingdom depends upon the peoples' choosing the house of commons, who are a part of the legislature, and have the fole power of giving money. Were this a true representative, and free from external force or private bribery, nothing could pass there but what they thought was for the public advantage; for their own interest is so interwoven with the peoples, that if they act for themselves (which every one of them will do as near as he can ) they must act for the common intereft of England; and if a few amongst them fhould find it their interest to abuse their power, it will be the the intereft of all the reft to punish them for it. This is the fountain-head from whence the people expect all their happiness, and the redrefs of their grievances; and if we can preserve them free from corruption, they will take care to keep every body else fo. Our conftitution feems to have provided for it, by never suffering the king (till Charles the fecond's reign) to have a mercenary army to frighten them into a compliance, nor places or revenues great enough to bribe them into it. The places in the King's gift were but few, and most of them patent places for life, and the rest, great offices of state enjoyed by fingle persons, which feldom fell to the fhare of the commons, fuch as the lord chancellor, lord treasurer, privy feal, lord high admiral, &c. and when thefe offices were pofeffed by the lords, the commons were severe inquifitors into their actions. Thus the government (6) government of England continued from the time that the Ro- fo so ad infinitum, unless the number be afcertained by parlia- should fhould happen to be the fame perfon, unless they would be public-fpirited enough to hang or drown themselves? But in my opinion, in another thing of lefs importance, we deviated in Charles the fecond's time from our conftitution; for though we were in a capacity of punishing offenders, yet we did not know legally who they were. The law has been always very tender of the person of the king, and therefore has difpofed the executive part of the government in such proper channels, that whatsoever leffer exceffefs are committed, they are not imputed to him, but his ministers are accountable for them; his great feal is kept by the lord chancellor, his revenue by his treasurer, his laws are executed by his judges, his fleet is managed by his lord high admiral, who are all accountable for their misbehaviour. Formerly, all matters of state and discretion were debated and refolved in the privy council, where every man fubfcribed his opinion, and was answerable for it The late king Charles was the first who broke this most excellent part of our conftitution, by fettling a cabal or cabinet' council, where all matters of confequence were debated and refolved, and then brought to the privy-council to be confirmed. The first footsteps we have of this council, in any European government, were in Charles the ninth's time of France, when refolving to maffacre the proteftants, he durft not truft his council with it, but chofe a few men whom he called his cabinet-council; and, confidering what a genealogy it had, it is no wonder it has been so fatal both to king and people. To the king; for whereas our conftitutión has provided minifters in the feveral parts of the government to answer for mifcarriages, and to fkreen him from the hatred of the people; this, on the contrary, protects the ministers, and exposes the king to all the complaints of his subjects. (To be continued.) Those who wish to promote the PHILANTHROPIST, by their、 affiftance, will please to address their favours (post-paid), te the Editor, at Citizen EATON's, No. 74, Newgate-street. No. 14. THE PHILANTHROPIST. MONDAY, JUNE 29, 1795. LONDON: Printed for and fold by DANIEL ISAAC EATON, Printer and Bookfeller to the Supreme Majefty of the People, at the Cock and SWINE, No. 74, Newgate ftreet. 1795. PRICE ONE PENNY. ABRIDGMENT OF THAT EMINENT PATRIOT HISTORY OF STANDING ARMIES IN ENGLAND. With An Incomparable PREFACE UPON GOVERNMENT. [Continued from our laft Number.] PREFAC E.. AND it is as dangerous to the people; for whatever mifcarriages there are, no-body can be punished for them; for they justify themselves by a sign manual, or perhaps a private direction from the king; and then we have run it fo far, that we cannot follow it. The confequence of this must be continual heart-burnings between king and people; and no one can see the event. ABRIDGMENT, &c. IF a man doubts whether a standing army is flavery, popery, mahometism, paganism, atheism, free-thinking, or any thing which they please, let him read, First, |