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will be revered, beloved, and adored. No apparitions, or ghosts of insurrection will haunt his troubled imagination, any more than conscience has power of conjuring up in the bosom of innocence her horrid and agonizing images. But when a king has ruled his people with a rod of iron, when he has treated them, not as human beings, but as vile reptiles, made to crawl upon the earth, to be crushed and trampled upon for his barbarous and wanton diversion-when his hands have been polluted with the blood of thousands, whom he has driven into the field of battle, where the unhappy and disgraceful contest was neither necessary, or just, and success could not be obtained -_a king of this black description is naturally induced to take away the rights of his subjects, and to weaken their strength, left in the feelings of insulted nature and humanity, they should rise against their odious oppreffor, and bring him to that punishment, to which his crimes point, and instigate the oppreffed. To such a king no privilege of the subject can be half so dreadful, or awaken in his fufpicious heart greater jealousy and alarm, than the privilege of communicating opinion, and baring to the face of day-TRUTH.

For every attack then on this invaluable liberty, the guardian of every other liberty, let us ever be prepared to make a strong and a successful opposition. Let us never listen to the plea of the necessity of checking the malignant increase of libel, and of suppressing fedition, but as a dangerous stratagem, and a shallow artifice, to delude us into the horrid situation of becoming acceffaries to our slavery, and placing a dagger at the bosom of every right and blessing which have been transmitted to us by our ancestors.--I dread every encroachment of this description on a nation's happiness.--Where acts of this violent nature are had recourse to, all cannot be well every where. There must be in some quarter of public administration, something bad, profligate, and corrupt. For, is the Constitution of England, that beautiful and wife fabric, raised and constructed equally for the happiness of all, as its panegyrists tell us--and does it

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anticipate its ruin, and overthrow, in the petty afsaults of an insignificant libeller? Does it hold out to every individual of the community the means of comfort, and an equal protection of rights---does it shelter them from oppression, and Thield them from arbitrary impofition-does it defend their lives, and all the subject values and reveres--and has such a frame of government, tempered with so much justice and benevolence (a frame of government of such merciful operations !) aught to dread from the ribaldry, or the licentious calumnies, of an obscure, and an unknown, individual ? No. No. A people, who are sensible that they are happy and free, will never thus madly be deluded into a belief that they are oppressed. They will never persuade themselves that their governors are tyrants. Such is not the depravity of the human intellect. A people are always grateful for the protection they receive at the hands of their king. They love that king, and reverence him with an almost degraded, and servile loyalty. But the detection of falfhood has ever been with tyrants an offence of a very foul complexion: for it is their interest to keep their subjects in a state of mental darkness. Ignorance is the most dreadful weapon that can be wielded against the liberties of any country. It makes the people abject, cowardly, and patient of every injury and oppref

and it inspires into their bofoms a propensity of acquiefcing tamely and submissively in every abuse of authority, and every violation of that high and sacred trust, which they have reposed in their sovereign. It debilitates and corrupts the human faculties, and it invests the most tyrannical and bloody dominion with the majesty of the divine Being himself. It is the contagion of this calamitous disorder, which turns the milk of human kindness into the bitterest gall, and it is this, which drives man to become the tool of ambition, and instigates him to become the plunderer, and the murderer of his race. And I here call the attention of the reader to a contemplation of the horrors of war! And I direct his meditations to the wretched and degraded life of a soldier ! ----But the consideration of these me

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lancholy themes I shall reserve for another opportunity, when I shall be able to deliver my sentiments on them more at large.

We cannot conclude this second paper of the Philanthropist more happily, than by offering to the attention of the Reader the following observations on the liberty of the press by the celebrated M. De LOLME, by which he may learn to appreciate its value, and how dearly interested every individual is to protect it from arbitrary, and unconftitutional encroach

Whoever," says that well known writer on the constitution of England, “ whoever considers what it is that constitutes the moving principle of what we call great affairs and the invincible sensibility of man to the opinion of his fellow-creatures, will not hesitate to affirm, that if it were possible for the liberty of the press to exist in a despotic Government, and, (what is not less difficult for it to exist without changing the constitution, this liberty of the press would alone form a counterpoise to the power of the prince. If, for example, in an empire of the east, a sanctuary could be found, which, rendered respectable by the ancient religion of the people, might ensure safety to those, who should bring thither their observations of any kind; and that from thence, printed papers should issue, which under a certain feal, might be equally refpected; and which, in their daily appearance, should examines and freely discuss the conduct of the Cadis, the Bashaws, the Vizir, the Divan, and the Sultan himself.—THAT WOULD INTRODUCE IMMEDIATELY $OME DEGREE OF LIBERTY."

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T was the intention of the Philanthropist to have proceeded in a regular discussion of those subjects, which involve in their consideration the rights, and happiness, of man, and not to have engaged the attention of the public with the political cerns of the day, till he had enforced, and inculcated some truths of a very pressing, and important nature. But he has been compelled to leave for a while the path, which he had marked out to himself to pursue, and to offer some observations on a very recent occasion, which are intimately connected with these topics, which it was his design not to have taken notice of till he had laid, and established, the foundation of what he conceived to be more dear and interesting to the weal, and to the prosperity, of the human species.

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For this digression from his original plan and intention, it will be only necessary to remark, that the subject on which he now appeals to his country, is of that description, as to rise high above every other consideration, and to call aloud for an immediate discussion--a discussion, which it must be allowed might have been postponed to a later period, but which would lose much of its importance, and effect, from an ill-judged and unseafonable delay.

That evening, which awakened so much curiosity and anxiety in the breast of every Englishman, is at length passed by.--The momentous question on the fate of England has been agitated, and Englishmen have at length learned what are the sentiments of the Houfe of Commons on a subject of so serious and exalted a kind. They have been taught, that the mean, and dirty shuffles of an unprincipled, and pompous minister can BAFFLE and overthrow the generous, and disinterested exertions of the best patriots and friends to their country, and that beneath the wing of a deluded, or corrupt, majority, the vilest measures, the most disgraceful actions, the most deteftable prostitutions of justice, and of honesty, and the vilest violations of the nation's character, and fair reputation, can find an asylum to Melter them from that punishment, which an injured, and insulted country demanded against them, and the wicked authors of them.

On, what principles are we to account for the vote, which the House of Commons gave on Mr. Fox's late animated, and patriotịc motion. On what principles! Were facts wanting to bear out the eloquence, so brilliantly, and so successfully displayed by him an that evening! Was the animation of Mr. Fox feigned and false : and when he warned the public of the danger which was hovering oyer his country, of the alarming condition to which it was reduced, and of the mad, a

, and unprincipled measures which gavernment was pursuing to the ruin, and eternal disgrace of Great Britain, and of every kingdom allied to her--was he indulging in idle complaint, or in

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