C

their own deserts, as much (if not more) meriting the same prefer

ment.

As for Dr. Preston, he still continued, and increased in the favour of the king, and duke; it being much observed, that, on the day of king James's death, he rode with prince and duke, in a coach shut down, from Theobald's to London, applying comfort now to one, now to the other, on so sad an occasion. His party would persuade us, that he might have chosen his own mitre, much commending the moderation of his mortified mind, denying all preferment which courted his acceptance; verifying the anagram which a friend of his made on his name, JOHANNES PRESTONIUS, En stas pius in honore. Indeed, he was conceived to hold the helm of his own party, able to steer it to what point he pleased; which made the duke as yet much to desire his favour.

7, 8. Mr. Mountagu's Character. He setteth forth his Appello Cæsarem.

A book came forth, called "Appello Cæsarem," made by Mr. Mountagu. He formerly had been Fellow of King's College in Cambridge, at the present a parson of Essex and Fellow of Eaton : one much skilled in the Fathers and ecclesiastical antiquity, and in the Latin and Greek tongues. Our great antiquary + confesseth as much, Græcè, simul et Latinè doctus, though pens were brandished betwixt them and virtues allowed by one's adversary may pass for undeniable truths. These his great parts were attended with tartness of writing, very sharp the nib of his pen, and much gall in his ink, against such as opposed him. However, such the equability of the sharpness of his style he was unpartial therein; be he ancient or modern writer, papist or protestant, that stood in his way, they should all equally taste thereof.

:

Pass we from the author to his book, whereof this was the occa sion: He had lately written satirically enough against the papists in confutation of "the Gagger of Protestants." Now, two divines of Norwich diocess, Mr. Yates and Mr. Ward, informed against him for dangerous errors of Arminianism and popery, deserting our cause, instead of defending it. Mr. Mountagu, in his own vindication, writes a second book licensed by Francis White, dean of Carlisle; finished and partly printed in the reign of James, to whom the author intended the dedication. But, on king James's death, it seems it descended by succession on king Charles, his son; to whom Mr. Mountagu applied the words which Occam once used to Lewis of Bavaria, emperor of Germany, Domine imperator, defende me gladio,

* See his Life, page 503. in his book, De Diis Syris, page 362.

Mr. Ayres of Lincoln's Inn.

1 MR. SELDEN

et ego te defendam calamo, "Lord emperor, defend me with thy sword, and I will defend thee with my pen." Many bitter passages in this his book gave great exception; whereof largely hereafter.

9. Queen Mary's first Arrival at Dover.

On Sunday, being the twelfth of June, about seven of the clock at night, queen Mary landed at Dover: at what time a piece of ordnance, being discharged from the castle, flew in fitters; yet did nobody any harm. More were fearful at the presage, than thankful for the providence. Next day, the king, coming from Canterbury, met her at Dover; whence with all solemnity she was conducted to Somerset-house in London, where a chapel was new-prepared for her devotion, with a convent adjoining of Capuchin Friars, according to the articles of her marriage.*

10, 11. The King rescueth Mr Mountagu from the House of Commons. The Parliament removed to Oxford, and brake up in Discontent.

A parliament began at London, wherein the first statute agreed upon was for the more strict observation of the Lord's day; which day, as it first honoured the king, (his reign beginning thereon,) so the king first honoured it by passing an Act for the greater solemnity thereof. The House of Commons fell very heavy on Mr. Mountagu, Thursday, July 7th, for many bitter passages in his book; who, in all probability, had now been severely censured but that the king himself was pleased to interpose in his behalf, Saturday, 9th; signifying to the House, that those things which were then spoken and

* Heylin animadverts thus on the whole of this passage, and Fuller frankly acknow ledges his mistake, a "printed author" having "misguided" him. "]. Although there was a chapel prepared, yet was it not prepared for the queen, nor at Somerset-house. The chapel which was then prepared was not prepared for her, but for the lady Infanta, built in the king's house of St. James, at such time as the treaty with Spain stood upon good terms, and then intended for the devotions of the princess of Wales, not for the queen of England. 2. The articles of the marriage make no mention of the Capuchin Friars, nor any convent to be built for them. The priests who came over with the queen were, by agreement, to be all of the Oratorian Order, as less suspected by the English, whom they had never provoked, as had the Jesuits, and most other of the monastic orders, by their mischievous practices. But these Oratorians being sent back with the rest of the French, anno 1626, and not willing to expose themselves to the hazard of a second expulsion, the Capuchins, under Father Joseph, made good the place. The breach with France, the action at the Isle of Rhée, and the loss of Rochelle, did all occur before the Capuchins were thought of or admitted hither. And, 3. Some years after the making of the peace between the two crowns, (which was in the latter end of 1628, and not before,) the queen obtained that these Friars might have leave to come over to her, some lodgings being fitted for them in Somerset-house, and a new chapel then and there built for her devotion."-EDIT.

within their several diocesses, and that you earnestly require them to employ their utmost endeavours in the performance of this so important a business; letting them know that we have a special eye unto their proceedings, and expect a strict account thereof, both of you and every one of them and these our letters shall be your sufficient warrant and discharge in that behalf.

"Given under our signet, at our castle of Windsor, the fourth of August, in the twentieth year of our reign."

66 DIRECTIONS

CONCERNING PREACHERS SENT WITH THE

LETTER.

"1. THAT no preacher under the degree and calling of a bishop, or dean of a cathedral or collegiate church, (and they upon the king's days and set festivals,) de take occasion (by the expounding of any text of Scripture whatsoever) to fall into any set discourse or commonplace, otherwise than by the opening the coherence and division of the text, which shall not be comprehended and warranted in essence, substance, effect, or natural inference, within some one of the Articles of Religion, set forth, 1562, or in some of the Homilies set forth by authority of the church of England, not only for the help of the non-preaching-but withal for a pattern and boundary (as it were) for the preaching-ministers. And for their further instructions for the performance hereof, that they forthwith read over and peruse diligently the said Book of Articles, and the two Books of Homilies.

"2. That no parson, vicar, curate, or lecturer, shall preach any sermons or collation hereafter upon Sundays and holidays in the afternoon, in any cathedral or parish-church throughout the kingdom, but upon some part of the Catechism, or some text taken out of the Creed, Ten Commandments, or the Lord's Prayer, (funeral sermons only excepted,) and that those preachers be most encouraged and approved of who spend the afternoon's exercise in the examination of children in their Catechism, which is the most ancient and laudable custom of teaching in the church of England.

"3. That no preacher, of what title soever under the degree of a bishop or dean at the least, do from henceforth presume to preach in any popular auditory deep points of Predestination, Election, Reprobation, or of the Universality, Efficacy, Resistibility or Irresistibility of God's Grace, but leave those themes rather to be handled by the learned men, and that moderately and modestly by way of use and application, rather than by way of positive doctrines; being fitter for the schools than for simple auditories.

"4. That no preacher, of what title or denomination soever, from henceforth shall presume, in any auditory within this kingdom, to declare, limit, or bound out, by way of positive doctrine, in any

lecture or sermon, the power, prerogative, and jurisdiction, authority, or duty, of sovereign princes, or otherwise meddle with matters of state and the differences between princes and the people, than as they are instructed and precedented in the Homilies of Obedience, and the rest of the Homilies, and Articles of Religion, set forth, as before is mentioned, by public authority; but rather confine themselves wholly to those two heads, 'Of faith and good life,' which are all the subjects of the ancient sermons and Homilies.

"5. That no preacher, of what title or denomination soever, shall presume causelessly, or without invitation from the text, to fall into bitter invectives and undecent railing speeches against the persons of either papists or puritans; but modestly and gravely, when they are occasioned thereunto by the text of Scripture, free both the doctrine and the discipline of the church of England from the aspersions of either adversaries, especially where the auditory is suspected to be tainted with the one or the other infection.

"6. Lastly. That the archbishops and bishops of the kingdom (whom his majesty hath good cause to blame for their former remissness) be more wary and choice in their licensing of preachers, and revoke all grants made to any chancellor, official, or commissary, to pass licences in this kind; and that all the lecturers throughout the kingdom of England (a new body severed from the ancient clergy, as being neither parsons, vicars, nor curates) be licensed henceforward in the Court of Faculties, but only from a recommendation of the party from the bishop of the diocess under his hand and seal, with a fiat from the lord archbishop of Canterbury, a confirmation under the Great Seal of England; and that such as do transgress any one of these Directions, be suspended by the bishop of the diocess, or, in his default, by the archbishop of the province, ab officio et beneficio, for a year and a day, until his majesty, by the advice of the next Convocation, shall prescribe some farther punishment."

5. Various Censures on the King's Letters.

No sooner were these the king's Declarations dispersed into every diocess, but various were men's opinions thereof. Some counted it a cruel act, which cut off half the preaching in England (all afternoon-sermons) at one blow. Others thought the king did but uti jure suo, doing not only what in justice he might, but what in prudence he ought in this juncture of time. But hear what I have heard and read in this case :—

OBJECTIONS.

I. CHRIST grants ministers their commission, "Go teach all

ANSWERS.

MINISTERS, if commanded "not at all to speak, or teach in

16. A Maim on the Emblem of Peace.

The day of the king's coronation drawing near, his majesty sent to survey and peruse the regalia, or royal ornaments, which then were to be used. It happened that the left wing of the dove on the sceptre was quite broken off, by what casualty God himself knows. The king sent for Mr. Acton, then his goldsmith, commanding him that the very same should be set on again. The goldsmith replied, that it was impossible to be done so fairly, but that some mark would remain thereof. To whom the king in some passion returned, "If you will not do it, another shall."* Hereupon Mr. Acton carried it home, and got another dove of gold to be artificially set on; whereat, when brought back, his majesty was well contented, as making no discovery thereof.

17. A Dilemma well waved.

The bishop of Lincoln, lord keeper, was now daily descendant in the king's favour; who so highly distasted him, that he would not have him, as dean of Westminster,† to perform any part of his coronation; yet so (was it a favour or a trial?) that it was left to his free choice, to prefer any prebendary of the church to officiate in his place. The bishop met with a dilemma herein: To recommend Dr. Laud, bishop of St. David's, and prebendary of Westminster, for that performance, was to grace one of his greatest enemies: To pass him by, and prefer a private prebendary for that purpose before a bishop, would seem unhandsome, and be interpreted a neglect of his own Order. To avoid all exceptions, he presented a list of all the prebendaries of that church; referring the election to his majesty himself, who made choice of Dr. Laud, bishop of St. David's, for that attendance.

18. The Coronation Sermon.

Dr. Senhouse, bishop of Carlisle (chaplain to the king when prince) preached at the coronation, February 2nd; his text: "And

* His son, succeeding his father in that place, and then present, attested to me the truth hereof. This is another error which Fuller declares he will rectify in a new edition. Heylin, in his Examen, points it out thus: "1. The bishop of Lincoln was not Lord Keeper at the time of the coronation. 2. If he had been so, and that the king was so distasted with him, as not to suffer him to assist at his coronation, how came he to be present at it in the capacity of Lord Keeper? For, that he did so, is affirmed by our author, saying, 'The king took a scroll of parchment out of his bosom, and gave it to the Lord Keeper Williams, who read it to the Commons four several times, East, West, North, and South. 3. The Lord Keeper who read that scroll, was not the Lord Keeper Williams, but the Lord Keeper Coventry; the seal being taken from the bishop of Lincoln, and committed to the custody of Sir Thomas Coventry, the October before. And, therefore, 4. Our author is much out in placing both the coronation and the following parliament before the change of the Lord Keeper; and in sending Sir John Suckling to fetch that seal, at the end of a parliament in the spring, which he had brought away with him before Michaelmas term."-EDIT.