that afterwards produced a series of fantastic follies. Several women pretended to be possessed with the spirit of one of the burnt women, and affected to produce wonderful cures among the sick. The imposition was, however, at length checked, and the impostors punished by the collector, and even by the present Rajah, Serforee." "Can any reflecting man read these Extracts," say the British publishers, "without a deep conviction, that it is our indispensable duty, and our soundest wisdom, to plant such men as Swartz and Gericke, wherever British Influence extends? Shall SIXTY MILLIONS OF HEATHEN SUBJECTS of the British crown, nay, TENANTS and RETAINERS of the British nation, shall they be abandon ed to a cruel and debasing superstition, when prudent measures, and holy men, will, with the blessing of God, be the means of enlightening their minds, elewating their characters, attaching them to British interests, and everlastingly saving their souls? No measures of coercion are asked for: nor are they wanted: nor ought they to be employed. But let this nation now, as with one voice, assert its determition, as a Christian nation, to redeem its character-to repent of its past negligence and ingratitude and to express its sense of the Divine mercies toward it, by endeavoring wisely, but zeal ously, to communicate to its most distant dependencies, the word of life and salvation. "Let the nation now resolve to act in the full sprit of the resolution of its Representatives in Parliament, passed May 14th, 1793." VOL. V. New Series. "Resolved, That it is the opinion of this Committee, that it is the peculiar and bounden duty of the Legislature to promote, by all just and prudent means, the interest and happiness of the inhabitants of the British dominions in India, and that, for these ends, such measures ought to be adopted as may gradually tend to their advancement in useful knowledge, and to their religious and moral improvement." Africa and the East," instituted The "Society for Missions to by members of the Established Church, has come forward in this important business, with much zeal, as will be seen by the following Resolutions: the 'Society for Missions to Africa "At a Special General Meeting of and the East,' held at the New London Tavern, Cheapside, on Friday, the 24th April, 1812, in consequence of a requisition from many respecta ble Members; Present, the Right Hon. Lord Resolved, unanimously, on the Mo- ing, that a very numerous body of That, it appearing to this MeetEuropean and native Christians are subject to the British crown in India, nation, upwards of Sixty Millions of and also, according to general estiMahometans and Heathens-it is a duty incumbent on this Society to exert itself in order to procure such provisions in the New Charter to be granted to the East India Company, as shall afford sufficient opportuni ties to those benevolent persons who shall be desirous of going to India, for the purpose of communicating to its population the blessings of Chris tian light and moral improvement, and also such provisions as shall prevent the obstruction of their endeav ors for promoting their object in that 62 country, so long as they shall conduct themselves in a peaceable and orderly manner." "Resolved, unanimously, on the Motion of the Right Hon. Lord CALTHORPE, seconded by JAMES STE. PHEN, Esq M. P. "That a Deputation of the Members of this Society be appointed to wait on his Majesty's Chancellor of the Exchequer, and the Earl of Buckinghamshire, the President of the Board of Control, to solicit their support to the objects of the foregoing Resolution, and the honor of conferring with them on the means of attaining those objects, so far as this Society is concerned. And also that the Deputation be empowéred to wait on any other of his Maj. esty's Ministers, and any of the Mem. bers of either House of Parliament to whom they may deem it expedient to apply." Resolved, unanimously, on the Motion of CHARLES NOEL NOEL, Esq. M. P. seconded by T. R. KEMP,Esq. M. P. That the Governor and Treasurer of this Society be a Deputation for the purposes mentioned in the foregoing Resolutions, and that they be empowered to avail themselves of the assistance of any other Member of the Society whom they may think proper." For the Panoplist. ON PARTY SPIRIT. In the Panoplist for Sept. 1812, I read with pleasure an essay, "On the means of averting national calamities." In the present state of our nation, this subject is peculiarly interesting, and ought to engage the prayerful attention of every Christian, and indeed, of every citizen. In the counsels of divine Providence, there is a reason for the infliction of so great a judgment, as war, upon our nation. This reason, without the least doubt, is our individual and national transgressions. The directions in the above mentioned essay are well calculated, it is believed, to effect an object so desirable as the removal of national calamities. clusive from Scripture, that genThe proof is coneral repentance and reformation will be followed with the blessing of God, and the cessation of evils which are suffered by the people. Then will the Lord be jealous for his land, and pity his people. This is one of the consoling declarations which God has made, in view of such conduct. But there is among us a great obstacle to general repentance and reformation, viz., the influence of party spirit. It is to be feared that this will, in a great degree, prevent the perception of our national sins, and lead to perseverance in iniquity. The course, which party spirit naturally takes, let the truth be where it may, promises nothing favorable. It is thought, however, that something may be done to check the progress of this destroyer of nations. To recommend a diligent search after truth, though it be granted that the influence of truth will banish party spirit, does not ap pear sufficient. The fact is, that truth, in politics, is often supposed to be already attained. Hence arise those strong preju. dices, which are so opposed to repentance and reformation. Shall not we have more reason to expect good, if means be first used to allay the fury of party spirit to render prejudices less violent-and to diminish the influence of existing animosity? Will it not be more probable, z that reflection will then return, and the mind inquire with more sincerity and ardor after truth? Nothing can be more indisputable, than that the great mass of the community act from feeling. 3: Their passions are in some way excited, and every thing concurs to strengthen these passions. All pretend, indeed, to act from reason, but how often is it manifest, that their feelings give force and weight to their reasons; and that, without the feelings, the reasons would have no influence, and would even appear ridiculous. It must be the first object, then, to lessen the violence of party spirit. In order to effect this purpose, let the following considerations be attended to. 1. Let the ministers of the Gospel exhibit full proof by their conduct, that they percieve and fear the evils of party spirit. A man may be jealous and anxious for the rights and privileges, and prosperity of the country, and may manifest the deep concern of a true patriot, without showing the extremity- the folly the madness of party spirit. Never let the servant of God so far forget himself, as to discover the feelings of a partisan. Further; let the ministers of ced to examine their own hearts, It hardly need be added, that no ininister can desire to see the influence of party spirit diminished, who uses expressions which are calculated to strengthen and cherish party feelings. 2. Let ministers occasionally, in their sermons, lead the atten tion of their people to the subject of brotherly love. In addition to common cases, let them show what must be its operation in respect to party, and how hostile to its existence is the influence of party spirit. There is great reason to believe, that a person, who is deeply engaged in party feelings, can have but very little religion. Two things afford very conclusive proof of this. In times of revival of religion, party is almost forgotten-party spirit is nearly extinguished. And those, who appear to have the most religion, have the least concern with the party politics of the country. If this proof be admitted, each Christian is deeply concerned. He is piercing his own soul (if under the influence of party spirit) as well as wounding his Savior, and the religion of the Gospel. Should it be objected, that such is the state of the country, that even the subject of brotherly love cannot be thus treated with out giving offence to Christians, in case the church be composed of members of both parties, it might be sufficient to answer, that our churches then contain but little religion. The minister, or the members, or both, must be highly in fault. But another answer, more honorable to the Christian name, is now given. The writer is acquainted with facts to the contrary of the foregoing assertion, and that in the very case supposed. Let the Christian character appear in the preacher while he addresses bis brethren, and the objection is wholly removed. Then might it be said, as it was of old, "See, how these Christians love one another." 3. It is not sufficient that ministers only should feel this subject, and act as reason and Scripture require. Their people ought also to be impressed with the importance of the subject. Various methods may be taken to effect this. Ministers, by conducting as is here urged, would contribute not a little. These few ideas may be read by some of the influential members of our churches, who can lend the helping hand. Our religious publications may present this subject to their readers in different points of light. Common Christians should be taught to join their prayers in aid of so desirable an object. Mutual regard, sympathy, and harmony, should be inculcated. We should be taught our own weakness and infirmity, and our exposure to do wrong. The view which has been taken is calculated to fill the hearts of Christians with serious reflections. Much is depending upon their conduct. If they will with one heart do their duty, we shall have great reason to hope, that the evils, which now afflict our country, will ere long come to an end. May all be disposed to unite with engagedness in so good a work; and may the blessing of the Lord rest upon our land. BERK. ON GIVING MONEY IN CHARITY. To the Editor of the Panoplist. Sir, I KNOW not that you are in the habit of giving advice; or that you wil! deem it compatible with the objects of your Miscellany to lay a plain statement of a difficult case, before your readers. But, believing that your sympa thy will be excited by my painful situation, and that you will be disposed to do any thing reasonable for my relief, I submit the following account of my perplexities. It is a notorious fact, that the present time is remarkable on account of the multitude of demands made upon our property for objects termed charitable. I am sure no age was ever burdened with so many charitable societies, and charitable subscriptions, and charitable calls, laying continual siege to a man's purse. Our minister, Mr. Editor, has caught this phrenzy, (for such I esteem it,) and he is borne away by the popular current beyond the bounds of reason, and (as it appears to me,) beyond the dictates of his own judgment. He holds it to be a privilege to live in such an age as this, when demands on our charity are so rapidly increasing. He alleges that there is in the Bible such a text as this; It is more blessed to give than to receive. Consequently, he often inculcates the duty of giving away money, as a mean of increasing our own happiness. And, preposterous as it may appear, I have heard him pray, that opportunities for exercising our charity might be multiplied, in order, according to his doctrine, that our own happiness might be proportionably increased. But our minister, sir, is not content with barely preaching and praying in this style. If he were, I should not trouble you with this complaint. For I can brave out pretty hard things from the pulpit, if nobody will throw them into my face and eyes on week days. But when ever the minister rides up to my door, I am afraid of seeing some subscription, some constitution of a charitable society, in which money is the prime requisite of meinbership. I expect to hear something about the poor heathen, or of some young man who must be educated for the ministry, or some other proposal, equally hostile to my purse and my inclinations. By his many good qualities, and known integrity, our minister has great influence with his people. And whenever he proposes a plan of charity, it receives pretty general patronage. This practice of giving is becoming so customary among us, that any one who refuses his support to charitable purposes will feel himself in some danger of being counted niggardly. Now, Mr. Editor, I and my wife have, by our industry and good management, scraped together a handsome property. We know that we have as much money as our neighbors, and we love to have others know it too. We wish to hold a respectable standing in society. We have as good a house, appear as well clad, and set as good a table as any around us. And we intend to do so still. But then, Sir, we came hardly by our property, and cannot think of throwing it away. We have never profited by the charity of others; and we can't see how others have any claim on the fruits of our hard labor. To give away our money for the various charitable purposes proposed, would be totally contrary to all our ideas and rules of economy. I was never convinced, that charity meant giving away money. I wish my fellow creatures well; I have as much feeling for them as any man. But I believe it was never understood in former times, that charity implied the giving away of our property: This is certainly a new coined doctrine. So, Mr. Editor, I am in conscience opposed to this new plan. Besides, Sir, I have several children. And my wife, though she is notably industrious and frugal herself, intends to make ladies of her daughters. Fashions you know run high. We think we can afford to support our children on a level with the first. And to educate my sons, to in |