Regna Liburnorum, et fontem superare Timavi, regna Liburnorum' is not so much the 244.] Fontem Timavi' is rightly explained by Henry of the fountain or source of the Timavus. Between this and the sea (a distance of about a mile) there are subterranean communications, through which the salt water forces its way, breaking out at the fountain through seven mouths or holes in the limestone rock, and overflowing the channel of the river. See the account quoted by Henry from Cluverius, Ital. Antiq. 1. 20, and more recent descriptions cited in the same note from Wittmann and Schlözer. It appears from Serv. that this view was received by many in his time; but the subsequent commentators, including Heyne, Wagn., and Forb., understand mare proruptum' and 'pelago' of the volume of the waters of the river, so that 'fontem Timavi' has to stand for the river itself. 245.] Per ora novem: the general account, as intimated above, appears to be that there were seven of these 'ora,' or sources. Cluverius however 1. c. speaks of the whole of the country to the sea as unum perpetuumque saxum innumeris passim altissimisque antris perforatum;" and it seems from Wittmann's account that the 'ora' are constantly overflowed, so that their number is not easy to ascertain. Polybius asserts that the water in all but one of these ora' is salt, which Strabo denies. The two are reconciled by Cluverius, who reports from actual observation that the sea occasionally bursts up through six of the sources, and renders the water undrinkable. Vasto cum murmure montis' refers to the sound of the water re-echoing through the limestone rock as it bursts up; 'pelago sonanti,' to 245 250 its sound after bursting up. Proruptum,' 'bursting up: comp. 7. 459, "toto proruptus corpore sudor." This description of the Timavus has been censured as out of place in the speech of Venus; it however expresses the portentous character of the region into which Antenor is allowed to penetrate with safety. 247.] Tamen,' in spite of all these dangers. 248.] Genti nomen dedit,' probably Veneti, which was identified with Heneti. Henry however argues from Troia arma' that Troja is meant: see on v. 242. 'Arma fixit,' hung up his arms and those of his comrades, in token that their sufferings by flood and field were over. Serv. comp. Hor. 1 Ep. 1. 4, "armis Herculis ad postem fixis." 249.] Nunc,' &c.: Wagn., Forb., and Jahn understand these words of the death of Antenor; but in spite of the special pleading of the former that a peaceful death would naturally be mentioned as the climax of the wanderer's happiness, and that Antenor, even during the Trojan war, must have been near the grave, it is evident that the sense required is rather that of a tranquil settlement following on labours. The language undoubtedly is such as is more generally applied to death or sleep, but the occurrence of such expressions as 66 conponere pacem" (7. 339., 12. 822), or foedus (10. 15), "conponere bellum foedere" (12.109), and “urbem tuta conponere terra" (3. 387), proves abun dantly that the words 'conpostus pace' may well have been used of the repose of a peaceful life. Possibly too Virg. may have thought of Ennius' celebrated lines (A. 18. 7), "Sicut fortis equus, spatio qui saepe supremo Vicit Olympia, nunc senio confectu' quiescit," where of course peaceful old age, not death, is meant. The antithesis between 'fixit' and 'nunc quiescit' merely implies that, after having founded his city, named his nation, and hung up his arms for ever, he entered on a prosperous reign. 250.] Nos: she rhetorically identifies Navibus, infandum! amissis, unius ob iram. 252.] Prodimur,' forsaken by Jupiter, not, as Heyne takes it, betrayed to destruction by the wiles of Juno. 253.] Honos,' 'reward,' as in 5. 249, 308. Reponis,' restore us in Italy to the empire we have lost at Troy. Reponere' is connected within sceptra,' which virtually means into the possession of the sceptre. Is this to restore a king to his throne?" 254-296.] Jupiter reassures her, telling her what the course of the destined Trojan empire is to be, beginning with Lavinium, passing into Alba, and ending in Rome, whose greatness is to be perfected in the golden age of Augustus.' 254.] Olli Heyne comp. Enn. A. 1. 31, Olli respondet rex Albai longai.' Niebuhr, Lect. vol. ii. p. 155, ed. 1844, says that Virg. admitted a few archaic forms in compliance with the precepts of the Alexandrian grammarians about epic composition. Subridens,' smiling gently.' The line is nearly repeated 12.829. Hominum sator atque deorum,' 11. 725. 255.] Serv. quotes Enn. (A. fr. inc. 3), "Iuppiter hic risit, tempestatesque serenae Riserunt omnes risu Iovis omnipotentis." Heyne refers to Gud. Inscrip. p. 5, n. 3, for an inscription Iovi Opt. Max. Serenatori;" and Henry says there is a re 255 260 presentation (supposed to be unique) of Iuppiter Serenus, with the inscription "Iovi Sereno Sacr.," on an ancient lamp in the Passerian Museum. Tempestates' means the weather rather than the storms, so that there is no occasion to suppose a zeugma, with Wagn. 256.] "Oscula libavit:' see note on G. 2. 523, and comp. 12. 434, and Sueton. Aug. 94, "osculum pueri delibatum digitis ad os suum detulisset." The word however, even in its primary sense, seems to mean, not simply lips, but lips for kissing. Heyne remarks that natae' is used after ollias Homer uses Εκτορι after τῷ δ'. There is great delicacy in the use of the subst. here, which has the force of 'pater natae.' See on E. 8. 1, 18. 257.] Metu,' the old dative. 'Parce:' see on G. 2. 339. Tuorum fata,' like "fata Phrygum," 7. 294. Tibi' is the ethical dative connected with the whole sentence, as we might say, 'to your comfort.' 258.] Urbem et promissa Lavini moenia' is a hendiadys. Observe the change of quantity from Lavina,' v. 2, which is like that in Italia,' 'Italus,' 'Apulia,' 'Appulus,' &c., a larger licence being allowed for metrical convenience in proper names than in other words. 259.] Heyne quotes Enn. A. 1. 47," unus erit quem tu tolles ad caerula caeli Templa," which he supposes to be said, not by Venus, but by Mars, because Ovid introduces the line (F. 2. 487) in a speech of Mars praying for the deification of Romulus. Ad sidera:' see on 3. 158. Here apotheosis of course is meant. 260.] Neque me sententia vertit:' see note on v. 237, and comp. 10. 608, nec te sententiaf allit." Magnanimus' of Aeneas, 5. 17., 9. 204, the Homeric ueɣábuμos. 261.] Wagn. has rightly changed Longius et volvens fatorum arcana movebo— Heyne's punctuation, Hic, tibi fabor enim,' which is also approved by Servius. Tibi' implies thou shalt see him victorious in Italy.' Quando' has the force of 'quandoquidem,' as öre that of 8r. The 're' in 'remordet' may express either a single recurrence or frequent repetition; the latter sense seems more natural here. 'Cura recursat," below, v. 662. Remordere' is found Lucr. 3. 827., 4. 1135. 262.] 'Volvens' is probably a metaphor from a book unrolled. "Volvendi sunt libri cum aliorum tum inprimis Catonis," Cic. Brut. 87. Jupiter says he will open yet further the secrets that lie in the book of fate. The notion in "movebo" is that of "quieta movere." "Fallax historias movet," Hor. 3 Od. 7. 20, quoted by Gossrau. So "excitare," to cite, as we say colloquially, to rake up. Awaken the secrets of Fate's book from the distant pages where they slumber.' 263.] Bellum ingens,' G. 2. 279. Populosque ferocis contundet,' 'will crush its bold nations.' Comp. 4. 229., 5. 730, &c. 264.] Mores' conveyed to a Roman many of the notions which political institutions and a social system convey to us. Comp. 8. 316, “Queis neque mos neque cultus erat ;" and see on G. 4. 5. There is not a mere play on the double sense of the word 'ponere,' as the building of a city implies a settled civil government. Mores ponere,' like voμobeтeîv in Greek. Inponere morem," 6. 852; "Posuere urbem,' 8.53. There may be a notion too of giving ('ponere ''dare,' as Oeîvai = doûvai), as 'viris' seems to show. دو 265.] The legend was that the first settlement (represented in Virg. by the camp) endured for three years, Lavinium for thirty, after which the kingdom was transferred to Alba, which lasted for three hundred. For the form of expression comp. v. 755 below. 266.] The propriety of hiberna,' as de 265 270 noting that he was still in the camp, has not been noticed. Rutulis subactis' may very well be the abl. absol.; but it is more probably the dative, an idiom common in Greek, and found also in Juv. 14. 10, "Cum septimus annus Transierit puero." It is a variety of the ethical or personal dative. See on v. 102 above. 268.] Heyne without reason suspects this line. It is a natural attempt to strengthen a weak point of the legend, the absence of any connexion between Iulus and any character in the Trojan story. Dum res stetit Ilia regno' may either be rendered with Wagn., dum res stetit Ilio regno ('res stetit'fortuna stetit '), or, which seeins better, while the Trojan state (res Ilia,' like 'res Romana ') stood with power unbroken ('stetit regno,' 'stood in respect of its power'). In the latter case we may compare 2. 88, "Dum stabat regno incolumis." With the perfect after 'dum,' in the sense of duration, comp. 3. 15, "Dum Fortuna fuit." 269.] Volvendis mensibus:' here and in "volvenda dies," 9. 7, Virg. has followed the usage of Enn. A. inc. 69, "clamor ad caelum volvendus per aethera vagit," and of Lucr. 5. 1276, "Sic volvenda aetas conmutat tempora rerum." Both in this passage and in 9. 7, however, the ordinary sense of the gerundive would have force, as in each case it is a god who may be speaking of destiny, so that we may doubt whether Virg. would have used the word in a connexion where he could not have availed himself of common as well as of archaic associations. Understood in the ordinary sense volvendis mensibus' will be an instrumental or modal ablative. 'Orbis :' 66 annuus orbis " occurs in 5. 46. The epithet which is here wanting must be supplied from the context, especially from 'mensibus.' 270.] Inperio' may be either dative, Transferet, et Longam multa vi muniet Albam. 'for his reign,' or modal abl. 'inpe- 271.]Muniet,'build and fortify.' 'Multa vi,' 'with great power and might,' not, with strong fortifications.' Virg. doubtless followed Lucr. 1. 728, "multa munita virum vi," where however population seems meant. Wagn. retains longam' as more poetical than Longam;' he however writes Longam' in 6. 766. A similar inversion of the names of persons is found even in prose writers. See Macleane on Hor. 2 Od. 2. 3. 272.] Wagn. and Forb. explain iam' as "de eo quod nondum est, sed suo tempore certe fiet," referring to 4. 566., 6.676., 8. 42., 11. 708, Tibull. 2. 5. 56, in all of which passages 'iam' means 'at once,' a sense inapplicable here. We must rather take it therefore as contrasting Alba and its long-lived dynasty with the preceding members of the series. And here the kingdom shall endure three hundred years.' 'Iam' then will mean, at this point of the series of events. As 'regnabitur' is impersonal, we should rather have expected a gente Hectorea.' The epithet Hectorea' is of course not strictly applicable. 273.] It is difficult to say whether 'regina' or 'sacerdos is to be taken as the adjective. Regina,' 'princess,' 6. 28, note, as Antigone is termed Thy BaoAida in Soph. Ant. 941. 'Sacerdos,' a Vestal. 275 280 Hor. 3 Od. 4. 34, "laetum equino sanguine Concanum," and the similar use of 'gaudeo.' Prop. 5. 10. 20 describes Romulus with a helmet of wolf-skin; but Virg., as Henry remarks, doubtless meant the 'tegmen' to cover the whole person. 276.] Comp. note on G. 2. 345. The notion here is that of succession. The nation shall then pass into the hands of Romulus.' There is nothing to warrant the notion of Thiel and Forb, that 'excipiet'='accipiet asylo.' 'Mavortia' may point at once to the birth of Romulus, the worship of Mars at Rome, and the martial character of the nation. 278.] His,' as opposed to their predecessors, whose date was limited. Metas' probably refers to the bounds of the empire (rerum '), 'tempora' to its duration. Meta' however may be transferred from space to time, 10. 472. With his tempore pono' we may compare 60 Stat sua cuique dies," 10. 467. 280.] Metu' is commonly taken with fatigat' (like "omnia magno Ne cesses turbare metu," 11. 400), expressing the terror which Juno spreads through the universe. It may however, and perhaps better, be taken, as Serv. suggests, for the alarm which Juno feels at the course of destiny, if we compare v. 23, “id metuens,” and 10.9. Fatigat' will then mean, keeps earth, air, and sea astir, by constantly traversing them and exciting their powers; so "remigio noctemque diemque fatigant," 8. 92. Thus Virg. may have had in his eye II. 4. 26, where Here complains of the toil which she and her horses have undergone in persecuting the Trojans. 281.] The phrase in melius referre' is twice used in Virg. (here and 11. 425) for 'to amend.' Romanos, rerum dominos, gentemque togatam. 282.] Macrobius (Sat. 6. 5) says that Laberius was the author of this line; and Suetonius (Aug. 40) tells a story of Augustus' quoting it. It had probably become a stock line to express the grandeur of imperial Rome. Gentem togatam' is not a tame addition, being sufficiently characteristic; so that there is no need with Heyne to seek a point in any antithesis between 'arma' and 'toga.' Hor. 3 Od. 5. 10, Anciliorum et nominis et togae Oblitus." 283.] Sic placitum,' ovтws dédoktaι. Jupiter is speaking destiny. It will be observed that 'lustra' being a strictly Roman measure of time, Jupiter is thus made to speak the language of the great nation. 'As Rome's years roll on.' 284.1 Assaracus is the ancestor through whom Aeneas was related to the royal house of Troy. Comp. II. 20. 230. The descendants of Aeneas shall triumph over those of Achilles (Phthiam'), Agamemnon (Mycenas '), and Diomede (Argos').' Comp. 6. 838, "Eruet ille Argos Agamemnoniasque Mycenas, Ipsumque Aeaciden, genus armipotentis Achilli." 286.] Caesar,' Augustus (Julius Caesar by adoption); not, as Serv. thinks, Julius, who could hardly be said to be laden with the spoils of the East, and who was not the primary object of a Roman's homage. We may observe that he is not distinctly spoken of here as Julius Caesar, which would have been ambiguous, but is called Caesar, the gentile Julius being mentioned as connecting him with Iulus. It may seem against this that his apotheosis is spoken of v. 289; but it may be meant to understand the deification as taking place during his life, as we know it to have done, E. 1. 44 note, Hor. 2 Ep. 1. 15. With the whole passage comp. 6. 791 265 290 foll. Pulchra Troianus origine,' from the high line of Troy; as though it had been pulchra Troianorum origine.' This connects the line with those which precede. It is conceivable however, as has been suggested to me, that 'pulchra' may refer to Augustus' personal beauty, an allusion to which would be appropriate in a speech to Venus, 287.] Qui terminet,' 'destined to bound." 288.] For the alleged origin of the Julii from Iulus see Merivale, Hist. vol. i. p. 97, who observes that the great Julius seems to have been the first to assert it. "Caesar et omnis Iuli Progenies,” 6. 789. Demissum:' comp. G. 3. 35. 289.] Spoliis Orientis onustum.' For similar compliments to Augustus as conqueror of the East, see G. 2. 171., 4. 560, A. 8.724 foll. Serv. mentions another reading, 'honestum,' which would easily arise from the spelling honustum,' frequently found in old MSS. 290.] Hic quoque,' as well as Aeneas, v. 259. "Damnabis tu quoque votis " E. 5. 80. See on v. 286. 291.] As it is expressed elsewhere, 6. 792, E. 4. 8, the iron age will pass into the golden. 292.] These four deities are chosen, as Henry remarks, as typical of the primitive and golden age of Rome. Vesta has been mentioned before in a similar connexion G. 1. 498, Romulus and Remus G. 2. 533. The union of the two latter, as Heyne observes, symbolizes the end of civil broils. Numa (Livy 1. 21) established the worship of Fides. Comp. Hor. Car. Saec. 57, Iam Fides et Pax et Honor Pudorque priscus." "Cana' occurs 5. 744 as an epithet of Vesta. 293.] Iura dabunt,' 'shall impose laws,' |