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Turea dona, dapes, fuso crateres olivo. Postquam conlapsi cineres et flamma quievit, Reliquias vino et bibulam lavere favillam, Ossaque lecta cado texit Corynaeus aeno. Idem ter socios pura circumtulit unda,

words need not be pressed. Comp. G. 4. 167 note. Pal. and Gud. seem to have had another reading, subiectas faces.'

225.] Lersch, § 86, comp. Arnob. 7. 51, "Pulticulae, tura cum carnibus, rapacium alimenta sunt ignium et parentalibus coniunctissima mortuorum," Tac. A. 3. 2, "Pro opibus loci vestem, odores, aliaque funerum sollemnia cremabant." The first passage explains 'dapes,' which doubtless refers to the victims, not as some have thought, to the spices and oil. So perhaps 3. 301, where see note. In 5. 92 the reference is doubtful. For the application of 'dapes' to sacrifices see Forc. Victims are also mentioned 11. 197 foll., after II. 23. 166, Od. 24. 65, none of which passages however speak of spices or oil. Libations of oil were made in the subsequent offerings to the grave (E. 5. 68 note: see other passages quoted by Lersch, § 68, De Libationibus"), which seem to have had much in common with the actual funeral solemnities. See also Od. 24. 73, referred to on v. 227 below. Fuso crateres olivo' is doubtless the abl. of description, cups of poured out oil. Really of course it is not the cup that is burnt, but its contents, so that crateres' is used somewhat like 'pocula " E. 8. 28.

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226.] The line, as Heyne remarks, is modelled on Il. 9. 212, avràρ èñel Kaтà πūp ékán kal pλdę éμapáven, compared with Π. 23. 228, τήμος πυρκαἴη ἐμαραίνετο, παύσατο δὲ φλόξ. Conlapsi cineres is from Π. 23. 251, βαθεῖα δὲ κάππεσε τέφρη.

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227.] In II. 23. 250., 24. 791 the flame is quenched with wine and then the bones are collected: but in Od. 24. 72, the bones are collected after the body is consumed and are placed in (a vessel containing ?) wine and oil. (In Il. 23. 253 a double layer of fat is spread over the bones.) Virg. seems to follow the Od., probably understanding Aéyouev év otvy kal àλeipari of something which took place before the bones were placed in the vessel. In the three passages of Hom. the fire is allowed to burn all night and is quenched or quenches itself the next morning and Virg.'s account in Book 11 (vv. 201, 210) is somewhat similar.

225

228.] Lecta,' collected from the pile, Aéyew or Aéyeola in Hom. ll. cc. The process was called dσToλoyía: Aesch. wrote a play named 'Ooroλóyol. 'Cadus' is doubtless an urn, as kádos is used for a balloting urn. In Hom. the vessels differ: Patroclus' bones are placed in a golden piáλn, Hector's in a golden λάρναξ, Achilles' in a golden aupipopeus, the work of Hephaestus and gift of Dionysus. Brazen urns are common among Italian remains. Corynaeus is specified, as Heyne remarks, merely for specification's sake. The name occurs again 9. 571., 12. 298. This man may be identified with either, as both are probably Trojans. The name is variously spelt in the MSS.; but Heyne remarks that it must be Kopuvaîos from Kopúvn.

229.] Corynaeus also performs the lustration, that the crews might be purified from the pollution contracted by the dead body, v. 150 above. It does not appear whether lustration formed a regular part of a Roman funeral, as of course we can. not argue from this passage that it did: but there was a lustration in the month of February, the month of special solemnities in honour of the Di Manes. Macrob. Sat. 1. 13 says "lustrari eo mense civitatem necesse erat, quo statuit ut iusta dis Mani bus solverentur." "Ter:' comp. E. 8. 73, 75 notes. Serv. says "Circumtulit:' purgavit. Antiquum verbum est. Plautus : Pro larvato te circumferam,' i. e. purgabo." This passage is not in the extant works of Plautus: but there is a similar one in Amph. 2. 2. 143,"quin tu istane iubes Pro cerrita circumferri?" It is to be explained on the analogy of the double structure of circumdare &c. aliquam rem alicui' and 'aliquem aliqua re,' 'circumtulit socios pura unda' being a variety for 'circumtulit socios puram undam.' See on G. 4. 337. If not originally Virg.'s own expression, it is at any rate precisely such a one as we should expect him to affect, so that we need not be tempted by varieties like 'puram undam,' the reading of one MS., circumvenit,' found in another, or circumluit,' which is found in the margin of a MS. of Macrob. Sat. 3. 1.

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Spargens rore levi et ramo felicis olivae,
Lustravitque viros, dixitque novissima verba.
At pius Aeneas ingenti mole sepulchrum
Inponit, suaque arma viro remumque tubamque,
Monte sub aerio, qui nunc Misenus ab illo
Dicitur, aeternumque tenet per saecula nomen.
His actis propere exsequitur praecepta Sibyllae.
Spelunca alta fuit vastoque inmanis hiatu,

Sophocles, whose inversions of language are very like Virg.'s, has a similar expression El. 709, 80' avтoùs oi TeTayμévo βραβῆς Κλήροις ἔπηλαν, which has been similarly altered by reading κλήρους.

230.] The manner of the lustration is described, sprinkling with a wetted branch. Bay was used as well as olive, Juv. 2. 158. Serv. quotes Donatus as saying that Virg. substituted the olive for the bay out of compliment to Augustus, whose birthday was marked by the springing up of a bay on the Palatine, and that it was not thought well that the triumphal associations of the tree should be mixed up with funeral reminiscences. Lersch shows that the olive was connected with funerals from Pliny 35. 46, "Quin et defunctos sese multi fictilibus soliis condi maluere, sicut M. Varro, Pythagorico modo, in myrti et oleae et populi nigrae foliis." Cerda shows the same connexion from Demosth. and Artemidorus. 'Rore et ramo' is a good instance of dià dvoîv: see on G. 2. 192. "Felici comptus oliva" 7. 751, distinguished from the oleaster.

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231.] For viros' Rom., Pal. a m. p., and others give 'domos,' apparently introduced by some one who thought of the lustration of houses at Rome. Pierius thought it might be explained of the camp. Another MS. has choros,' which Heins. preferred, but Heyne rightly rejects. "Dixitque novissima verba " 4. 650. The reference seems to be to the 'vale' with which they took leave of the dead, not to the 'ilicet,' with which the assembly was dismissed. Serv. objects to the former view that the 'vale' was not said till after the burial: but 11. 97 seems to show that it might come even before the burning. In v. 506 below, 3. 68 we may remember that the erection of the tomb stood in place of a proper burial.

232.] The mention of Aeneas may be intended to intimate that it was at this point that he returned (see v. 212 above);

230

235

but such things cannot be pressed in Virg. similarly at once upon the burning and The setting up of a tomb in Hom. follows the collecting of the bones, Il. 23. 255 foll., 24. 797 foll., Od. 12. 14., 24. 80 foll. The first and last of these passages will illustrate 'ingenti mole,' the size of the barrow, of earth and stones, being greater according to the honour intended. So Aesch. Cho. 351, πολύχωστον ἂν εἶχες Τάφον διαποντίου γᾶς, Δώμασιν εὐφόρητον.

233.] Arma' seems to refer to 'remumque tubamque,' like "Cerealia arma 1. 177 &c., as his arms in the strict sense appear to have been burnt with him, v. 217. Serv., who felt the difficulty, took the meaning to be that the arms were sculptured on the tomb. Viro' explains sua,' which would naturally refer to Aeneas himself. The oar Misenus has in common with Elpenor, Od. 11. 77., 12. 15, who has his fixed ȧкpotáty тúμße: the trumpet is his own.

234.] The aerial promontory' still bears the name 'Punta di Miseno." 235.] Comp. the promise to Palinurus below v. 381. "Et nunc magnum tenet Ardea nomen 7. 412.

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236-263.] Aeneas then begins the preliminaries of his descent. Black cattle are sacrificed to the infernal powers at the mouth of a mephitic cave. As the day dawns, the approach of Hecate is perceived, and Aeneas and his guide descend.'

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236.] His actis' 12. 843.

237.] This grotto is not the same as that mentioned v. 11 above. Heyne identifies it with one now called Baian, as looking towards Baiae. With the latter part of the line comp. Lucr. 5. 376, "sed patet inmani (inmane' Wakef.) et vasto respectat hiatu." The description seems partially taken from that of the σréos 'Atdao (in the [Asiatic] Acherusian promontory) in Apoll. R. 2. 735 foll., though the vapour there is not mephitic, but icy.

Scrupea, tuta lacu nigro nemorumque tenebris,
Quam super haud ullae poterant inpune volantes
Tendere iter pennis: talis sese halitus atris
Faucibus effundens supera ad convexa ferebat :
[Unde locum Graii dixerunt nomine Avernum.]
Quattuor hic primum nigrantis terga iuvencos
Constituit frontique invergit vina sacerdos,
Et summas carpens media inter cornua saetas

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238.] Scrupeus is found in Eun. Androm. fr. 8, and Pacuvius Nipt. fr. 6 speaks of "scruposam specum." "Tuta' participle, sheltered, as in 1. 571 &c. The meaning seems to be that the darkness appears to afford it a protection.

239.] Translated from Apoll. R. 4. 601, ovdé Tis vowρ Keivo (the lake of the Eridanus) διὰ πτερὰ κούφα τανύσσας Οἰωνὸς δύναται βαλέειν ὕπερ. With the whole passage comp. Lucr. 6. 740 foll. :

"Principio, quod Averna vocantur nomine,
id ab re

Inpositumst, quia sunt avibus contraria
cunctis,

E regione ea quod loca cum venere vo-
lantes,

Remigii oblitae pennarum vela remittunt,

Praecipitesque cadunt molli cervice pro

fusae

In terram, si forte ita fert natura lo-
corum,

Aut in aquam, si forte lacus substratus
Avernist.

Is locus est Cumas apud, acri sulfure

montes

Oppleti calidis ubi fumant fontibus aucti."

See also ib. 818 foll. Volantes' used substantively, as in v. 728 below, Lucr. 2. 1083. Sovolitans' G. 3. 147.

240.] "Tendit iter velis " 7. 7.

241.] Comp. Lucr. 6. 819, "Mortiferam vim, de terra quae surgit in auras." "Supera convexa v. 750 below. Ribbeck reads 'super' from Pal. and Med. a m. p., and Rom.; but the cause of the mistake is obvious.

242.] This line is wanting in fragm. Vat. and others, and is added in Med. by a later hand. Rom. however has it. Serv. does not explain it, nor does Non. quote it s. v. Avernus,' as he might have been expected to do. There is a similar line in the Periegesis of Dionysius, v. 1151, TOŬ

240

245

νεκά μιν καὶ φῶτες ἐπικλείουσιν Αύρνον, rendered by Priscian, Perieg. 1056, “Unde locis Graii posuerunt nomen Aornin." Heyne thinks it a gloss, and Wagn. and Ribbeck remove it from the text. There is nothing un-Virgilian about it: Virg. is fond of talking of the names of places, as Henry remarks (comp. e. g. 3. 693): he refers to a Greek name G. 3. 148 (a common habit with his master Lucr.): and the expression nomine dicere,' to which Wagn. objects, is found v. 441 below, as is observed by Forb. On the other hand the external evidence is such as to leave the question doubtful, so I have placed the line in brackets. There is a further question whether Aornon' or Avernum' ought to be read. The MSS. which retain the line would seem generally in favour of this latter, which I have adopted: but it would seem more likely that Virg. would use the Greek word than the Latin transformation of it, which hides the etymology. Is it certain that Luer. in talking of the etymology of Avernus' did not mean to derive it from 'avis?' Possibly however Virg. may have so far complied with the Latin form as to give 'Aornum,' the reading of Gud. and others, adopted by Heins.

243.] Comp. G. 4. 538 foll., where four bulls and four heifers are sacrificed to the Manes of Orpheus and Eurydice. "Nigrantis terga iuvencos" 5. 97. Black was the colour of the victims sacrificed to the shades, v. 153 above, Od. 10. 523–527.

244.] Constituit' 5. 237. Frontique invergit vina: comp. 4. 61 note. Plaut. Curc. 1. 2. 12 has "Invergere in me liquores tuos sino ductim." Serv. draws a distinction between 'fundere' and 'vergere' in sacrifices: "Fundere' est supina manu libare, quod fit in sacris supernis; 'vergere' autem est conversa in sinistram partem manu ita fundere ut patera convertatur: quod in infernis sacris fit." 'Invergo' however is used by Val. Fl. 2. 611 of pouring sacrificial wine into the sea, 245.] The plucking of hairs from the

Ignibus inponit sacris, libamina prima,

Voce vocans Hecaten, Caeloque Ereboque potentem.
Supponunt alii cultros, tepidumque cruorem
Succipiunt pateris. Ipse atri velleris agnam
Aeneas matri Eumenidum magnaeque sorori

head of the victim and the throwing of
them into the fire as àrapxaí is a Homeric
custom, Od. 3. 415, πoλλà 8' 'A¤hvn Euxer'
ἀπαρχόμενος, κεφαλῆς τρίχας ἐν πυρὶ βάλ-
Awv, from which we see also that prayers
were made during the process, as in v. 247.
'Saetae' of the hair of oxen 7. 790.

246.] Libamina prima,' àwapxal, as libare is used of pouring out or taking away the first part of any thing. Gell. in his preface says, "Primitias quasdam et quasi libamenta ingenuarum artium dedimus." Stat. Theb. 6. 224 has " raptumque suis libamen ab armis Quisque iacit," of offerings on a funeral pile, each one giving as it were a taste or specimen of his weapons. Inponit' is frequently used of offerings 1. 49., 4. 453.

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247.] See on v. 245. The line is imitated from Apoll. R. 3. 1209, èπì dè μyádas χέε λοιβὰς Βριμὼ κικλήσκων Εκάτην ἐπαρwydv åélλwv. Voce vocans' 4. 680 note. For Hecate's attributes see on 4. 510. 'Caelo potentem' less strong than Caeli potentem,' implying not sovereignty over a place, but power in it. Caeloque Ereboque' 7. 140.

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248.] Cerda, followed by Heyne and Forb., explains supponunt cultros' of the custom of sacrificing victims to the gods below with their heads downwards, those devoted to the gods above being sacrificed with their heads upturned, the ab pvoar of Homer. For this he quotes Myrsilus De Rebus Lesbiacis 2 (? the passage does not occur in the remains of Myrsilus in Müller's Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum), eiúlaσiv oi iepeîs rà ἔντομα τοῖς κάτω θεοῖς ἐναγιζόμενα ἐν τῇ γῇ ἀποτέμνεσθαι τὰς κεφαλάς· οὕτω γὰρ θύουσι τοῖς ὑποχθονίοις· τοῖς δὲ οὐρανίοις ἄνω ἀναστρέφουσι τῶν ἱερείων τὸν τράχηλον opάCorres. The same words however have already met us in G. 3. 492, where we cannot suppose that a sacrifice to the infernal gods is specially meant. All that is said is that the throat is cut from beneath, and this might be done equally well whether the victims' heads were turned up or down-more easily indeed in the former case. It is more probable that the special reference, if any, is to another (Roman ?) sacrificial custom mentioned by VOL. II.

250

Cerda in the same note, that of first striking the victims down with an axe or club, afterwards cutting their throats, a process which seems to have required two persons, according to a passage from Dionys. Hal. 7. 72, quoted by Cerda, Ove TÓTE TOÎS ὑπηρέταις αὐτὰ ἐκέλευον. τῶν δὲ οἱ μὲν, ἑστῶτος ἔτι τοῦ θύματος, σκυτάλῃ τοὺς κροτάφους ἔπαιον· οἱ δὲ πίπτοντος ὑπετίdejav ràs σpaylõas. Serv. says that 'supponere' was a sacrificial word, being of neutral signification and consequently avoiding a bad omen: and the three last words in the passage of Dionys. confirm the statement, as they would hardly have been translated from an expression found only in the poets. Tepidum cruorem' 8. 106.

ported by Pal. and fragm. Vat., Gud. a m. 249. The form succipiunt' is sups. &c., and expressly recognized by Serv., who says “antique: nam modo suscipiunt' dicunt:" it has accordingly been restored by Wagn. in later edd., here and 1. 175. It was evidently read by Pomponius Sabinus, whose note "antiquum verbum est" is wrongly explained by Heyne as if the meaning were that the The object of catching the blood is said more ordinary word would be 'excipiunt.' by Donatus to be "ne iam sacratus in terram cadat." The Greek feeling would seem to have been just the reverse, as what was poured on the earth was supposed to reach the powers below. So Od. 11. 35 Ulysses cuts the throats of the sheep into a trench, that the shades may flock round it. Virg. however seems to mean that the blood is caught in bowls that it may be afterwards poured out, apparently on the ground (3.67., 5. 78). Perhaps we may say then that this mode of offering was adopted as giving more solemnity to the act, and involving as it were a separate consecration of the blood apart from that of the victims. Ipse:' Aeneas also acts as sacrificer, in the Homeric fashion. Stat. Theb. 4. 445 has "Velleris obscuri pecudes."

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250.] The mother of the Eumenides was Night (7. 331., 12. 846, Aesch. Eum. 416 &c.), her great sister Earth, both being daughters of Chaos. Comp. Hes. Theog. 116 foll., where however the birth of Gaea from Chaos is not expressly stated. G g

Ense ferit, sterilemque tibi, Proserpina, vaccam.
Tum Stygio regi nocturnas inchoat aras,
Et solida inponit taurorum viscera flammis,
Pingue super oleum fundens ardentibus extis.
Ecce autem, primi sub lumina solis et ortus
Sub pedibus mugire solum, et iuga coepta moveri
Silvarum, visaeque canes ululare per umbram,
Adventante dea. Procul o, procul este, profani,

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251.] So Od. 11. 30 Ulysses vows that on his return to Ithaca he will sacrifice to the shades, στεῖραν βοῦν ἥτις ἀρίστη. Lersch quotes from Arnob. 7. 21, Bos si sterilis [caedatur] Unxiae, quam Proserpinae tribuitis." Ense ferit' may possibly be referred to striking down the victim, according to the distinction taken on v. 248.

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Serv. has a notion that the sword was used rather than any other weapon because, having been consecrated by the act, it became available for keeping the shades at a distance. Ense ferit 12. 458. 252.] Stygio regi' of Pluto, like "Iovi Stygio" 4. 638. Nocturnas sacrifices to the infernal gods were performed by night, which is now going on, as we see from v. 255. Cerda refers to Turnebus V. L. 28. 44. Inchoat' is said by Serv. to be a sacrificial word: but the only instance the commentators adduce is "delubrum inchoare" Cic. (?) De Domo 51. 132. Comp. however instauro' 4. 63 note.

253.] Solida' = "integra," as in 2. 639: see Forc., where this sense is abundantly illustrated. Holocausts were offered to the infernal gods, Apoll. R. 3. 1033. For viscera see on G. 3. 559., 4. 302. It is on this line that Serv. gives the explanation there cited. Inponere' above v. 246.

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254.] Modelled on II. 11. 775, onévdwv αἴθοπα οἶνον ἐπ ̓ αἰθομένοις ἱεροῖσιν. All Ribbeck's MSS. give 'superque:' 'super' is found in a few copies mentioned by Heyne, and in the Canon. and Balliol MSS. The 'que' seems to have been added as a support to the verse, as apparently in 1. 668, where it is similarly found in the best MSS. Between 'infundens' (Med.) and 'fundens' (fragm. Vat., Pal., Rom,, Gud., &c.) there is little or nothing to choose, except on external grounds. Both 'superfundo' and 'superinfundo' are found in composition, though the latter appears to have no higher authority than Celsus. Comp. however superinponere.' Exta are the entrails proper, as distinguished

255

from 'viscera.' Comp. Aesch. Ag. 1221, σὺν ἐντέροις τε σπλάγχν'. Oil was one of the offerings to the dead (see on v. 225), but it may have been intended merely to feed the fire. Emmen. refers to Schedius de Dis German. c. 29 for the statement that oil was used for wine in sacrifices to Pluto.

255.]Primi sub lumina solis et ortus,' & Sià dvoîv. Primi' = 'prima,' and 'prima lumina'' ortus.' "Lumina solis" 8. 69, Lucr. 1. 5. Comp. also 7. 130,

primo cum lumine solis." Med. and some others have limina,' an impossible reading here, as Burm. remarks, though it might stand in a passage where place, not time, was spoken of. The description here, like parts of that which has preceded, is modelled on Jason's invocation of Hecate Apoll. R. 3. 1191-1223, where the time and circumstances of the approach of the goddess are the same as here.

256.] Comp. 4. 490, "mugire videbis Sub pedibus terram, et descendere montibus ornos." See also on E. 4. 50. Пiorea δ' ἔτρεμε πάντα κατὰ στίβον Apoll. R. 3. 1217. Iuga silvarum :' the ridges are regarded as belonging to the woods which grow on them rather than vice versa. So "iuga nemorum" 11. 545, "dorso nemoris" G. 3. 436, comp. by Forb. Seneca Nat. Q. 6. 13 quotes the words with "iuga celsa," which might stand, 'visa' being understood from the next line.

257.] ἀμφὶ δὲ τήν γε (Hecate) Οξείῃ iλaky xoóvioi kúves ¿plévyovтo, Apoll. R. 3. 1216, which shows that the dogs here are infernal hounds accompanying Hecate. Many MSS. have visi; but the fem, is more usual in a context like this: comp. G. 1. 470. Ululare' of dogs, as of wolves 7, 18, G. 1. 486. Comp. λdoк. So possibly 4, 609 (note), Nocturnisque Hecate triviis ululata per urbes."

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258.] Procul o, procul este, profani' is perhaps a translation of Callim. Hymn to Apollo v, 2, ékás, ékás, őσTIS àλITρos. The uninitiated were warned off at the com,

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