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adapted for poetry: but it is quite incompatible with the conception that pervades the rest of the description of the lower world. The neutral region, Tartarus, and Elysium, all dissolve before it. They exist on the assumption that departed spirits remain in a fixed state, each preserving its own individuality. The later doctrine takes all spirits alike as soon as they have been separated from the body, puts them through a thousand years' purgation, and th sends most of them to reanimate other frames. We hear not of good or bad lives, but of the necessary stains which the ethereal spirit contracts from its imprisonment in clay. According to this doctrine, Dido and Deiphobus, Salmoneus and the Lapithae, ought to have undergone a prolonged purification, with a prospect of resigning their identity and becoming other personages in later ages. Some indeed, of whom Anchises is the type, are apparently exempted from this general law, and made to inhabit Elysium immediately after their expiation : but the exemption seems to proceed from a different feeling from that which established the law, and at any rate it leaves the great majority of spirits involved in the migratory cycle. There is inconsistency also in the manner in which the picture of the migration is presented. While Virgil is expounding his doctrine he is clear : when he comes to paint it in its results he becomes confused. The spirits that are to be Romans are spirits that have inhabited other bodies. Why do we hear every thing about their future, nothing about their past? It may be said that they have drunk Lethe and left the past behind. This may hold good of Silvius and one or two others who are just on the threshold of a new life on earth : but does it accord with the presumable condition of the later Roman worthies, such as Augustus himself? They have had their thousand years of purgation : how are they to spend the remaining thousand years before they become living men ? And what is to be the condition of Silvius and the earlier posterity of Aeneas after they have fulfilled their new term on earth? Will they reappear in successive generations as later Romans ? These are inquiries which the Pythagorean doctrine suggests, and which, if treated in an independent manner, and not brought into connexion with beliefs with which it has nothing to do, it might perhaps have answered. After this, it is comparatively unimportant to notice the difficulty which many critics have felt about the two gates of sleep, their want of congruity with the topography of the rest of the book, and the absence of any reason why Aeneas and the Sibyl should be dismissed by the ivory gate. This last question is answered, though with some hesitation, by Gibbon and Heyne, who remark that corporeal visitants could not be dismissed by the horn gate, not being true shades.' The reply is obvious, that if they are not true shades,' neither are they false dreams, and that the inappropriateness of one mode of exit does not prove the appropriateness of the other, or excuse Virgil for having created so inopportune an alternative.
I must not conclude without saying a few words on Warburton's once celebrated hypothesis, that Aeneas' descent into the shades is an allegorical description of his initiation into the mysteries, a process which, it is contended, in pursuance of the argument of the Divine Legation, was part of the training of every heathen legislator, such as Aeneas is assumed to be. That hypothesis was controverted, as is well known, in a characteristic essay by Gibbon, who was probably repelled not more by the arrogant dogmatism of the untrained scholar than by the zeal of the ecclesiastic in proving that even pagan times witnessed to the alliance between religion and civil government. A reader of the present day will, I think, be induced to award the palm of learning and ingenuity to Warburton. He deals indeed largely in unproved assumptions, which his skilful adversary is not slow to expose; but he has succeeded in investing his theory with considerable plausibility, suggesting by its help explanations of points in Virgil's narrative which it is not easy to clear up otherwise. The theory in its totality is sufficiently alien from the spirit of modern criticism. No one who
regards Virgil as my readers have, I trust, seen reason to regard him, will suspect him of intending an elaborate and sustained allegory in this book any more than in the whole poem. Aeneas is not an anticipation of Augustus, and the descent into the shades is not simply a poetical account of initiation. But Aeneas has many Augustan traits, and it is quite possible that several of Virgil's details, as Heyne admits, if not his general conception, may have been drawn from the mysteries. Gibbon is satisfied to argue that the mysteries being admitted to be “a theatrical representation of all that was believed or imagined of the lower world, it is not surprising that the copy was like the original :" but that “it still remains undetermined whether Virgil intended to describe the original or the copy.” This argument really proceeds on an assumption as unwarranted as any of Warburton's—that there was a recognized doctrine on the subject which the mysteries copied faithfully in detail. As a matter of fact, no such authorized description of the state of the dead can be shown to have existed. Classical dictionaries have to compound their accounts of the state of belief on these questions out of many different and indeed discordant materials. Homer says one thing, Pindar another; Plato differs from them both, even when speaking, like them, the language of fable, and the mythe in one of his dialogues differs from the mythe in another. The representation in the mysteries differs circumstantially from other mythical representations that have come down to us; and the question is whether Virgil may not have described the original after the manner of this particular copy. There is some reason to suspect that in certain instances this was actually the case. Virgil's Elysium, as Warburton has pointed out, is like that sketched by Aristophanes in the Frogs, and expressly identified by him with the happy state of the initiated. The inexplicable golden bough perhaps receives more light from the “palma auro subtiliter foliata," which was carried in the mysteries of Isis, than from any other parallel that has been adduced. Nay, we may even believe with Warburton that in describing the descent of Aeneas Virgil may have thought of the initiation of Augustus, and that here as elsewhere, while adopting an incident from Homer, the poet may have had ulterior purposes of his own. The supposition is shadowy and conjectural; but the thought in itself is one which might not unnaturally have found place in that assemblage of antiquarian recollections, philosophical fancies, patriotic feelings, and courtly sentiments which acted as the motive power on Virgil's imagination. Gibbon objects that Aeneas is no legislator: but though he performs no acts of legislation in the Aeneid, his spirit is legislatorial throughout: he is the repository of traditions which are to be handed down to his posterity, and his destiny, as declared by Jupiter, is to found institutions as well as walls. Nor need we be concerned to defend Virgil from the charge of having made disclosures which would have led Horace to renounce his friendship. Warburton's thoroughgoing adherence to his theory obliged him to suppose that the poet of the Aeneid had actually been initiated, a supposition which Gibbon rightly rejects as resting on no evidence, and contradicted by the accounts of Virgil's biographer. But the circumstances connected with initiation were one thing, and the grand secret itself another : and while the latter has been so successfully preserved as to have perished with its depositaries, the former meet us openly in ancient literature, in allusion or in detail, so that we may be sure that they were perfectly at the service of any uninitiated poet who chose to avail himself of them to garnish and authenticate his narrative.
Sic fatur lacrimans, classique inmittit habenas,
1-8.] · Aeneas lands at Cumae, and his 490. Lucr. talks of “ignis semina" 6. crew prepare for a meal.'
160, 206. 1.] On this and the next line see note at 7.] “Ut silicis venis abstrusum excudethe end of Book 5. Sic fatur lacrimans' ret ignem " G. 1. 135. is Hom.'s @s páto dakpuxéwv (II. 1. 357). 8.] It is questioned whether densa Classi inmittit habenas' means that he ferarum Tecta rapit silvas' refers to spread his sails to the wind. Ladewig re- scouring the woods for game, water, &c., marks that Virg. himself supplies a com- or to stripping them for fuel. • Rapit’in ment on the words in a later passage, 8. the latter case would be parallel to "ra707, “ Ipsa videbatur ventis regina vocatis piunt incensa feruntque Pergama” 2. 374, Vela dare, et laxos iam iamque inmittere in the former to " campum sonipes rapit funis.” Henry says, “This is the ordinary Stat. Theb. 5. 3. Heyne objects to the metaphor (as A. 5. 662, Lucr. 5. 787, 0v. latter interpretation that in that case M. 1. 280), but is here peculiarly appro- • densa ferarum tecta' would be mere priate, the habenae' of a ship being its bombast. But the parallel which he himrudentes' (sheets), which required to be self quotes, v. 179 below, “Itur in antilet loose or slacked in order to allow the quam silvam, stabula alta ferarum,” makes sails to be filled with the wind and the for the view which he censures. Wild vessel to go at full speed.”.
beasts are mentioned there, though the 2.] Comp. 3. 131, 569. • Euboicis :' object of going to the woods is not to “Cumani ab Chalcide Euboica originem take game but to hew timber, so that trahunt,” Livy 8. 22. The colonization there seems no reason why they should from Euboea was subsequent to Aeneas' not be mentioned here, though the object time : but Virg. as usual Thinks of his own is only to get fuel. In the one passage age. 'Cymarum’ is the reading of Rom.: we hear of "stabula alta,' as our attention but see on E. 4. 4,
is meant to be drawn to the size of the 3.] The custom in the heroic times was trees : in the other of tecta densa,' as we to stop rowing so as to land stern foremost, are meant (so it may be urged) to think the head of the vessel being turned to the of the thickness of the foliage. Lignatio' sea for greater convenience in departure. was a common military occupation, and is Ruhkopf refers to Gronovius, Obss. 4. 26. naturally classed with 'aquatio.' If we
4.] Fundaro puppim' in this sense is suppose the pursuit of game to be meant, found in Claudian, De Mall. Cons. 113, who we may compare Aeneas' deer-slaying 1. however probably imitates Virg. 'Else- 184 foli. Inventa monstrat’= 'invenit where it is used for making a bottom to a et monstrat.' ship: see Forc. 'fundatus. A difficulty 9—39.] · Aeneas goes to consult the remains about the use of the imperfect, Sibylline oracle. He stands gazing at the which is perhaps to be explained by sup- sculptures on the door of the adjoining posing that the mooring of the several temple of Apollo, where Daedalus, its ships would occupy some time, and so may builder, had represented his own story. be represented as a continuing act. While he is thus engaged, the Sibyl arrives
5.] The keels fringe, or, as we should and bids him sacrifice. say, line, the shore towards which they 9.] Henry is doubtless right in regardare turned. “Emicat in currum ” 12.327. ing the Sibyl's cave as the adytum of the
6.] Comp. the landing in Africa 1. 174, temple of Apollo, in opposition to Heyne where Achates strikes fire from a flint. and Wagn., who make the two indepen• Semina flammae :' onépua rupós od. 5. dent and at some distance from each other.
Praesidet, horrendaeque procul secreta Sibyllae,
Daedalus, ut fama est, fugiens Minoia regna,
He cites the parallel instance of Delphi. 'magnam' closely with inspirat,' = 'mag“ The hill of Cumae,” he says, “is a nearly nopere,' as 'multa' 4. 3 = saepe. But circular or orbicular hill, rising from the though inspirare aliquem aliqua re' is plain, and on one side overhanging the doubtless an admissible construction, the sea.” On the lower part of this hill, on instances quoted by Forc. are both from one of the sides not next the sea, he places later writers (“quibus viribus inspirat the sacred grove, "Triviae lucos;' on the Quinct. 12. 10, “qui inspirari solent fatuari sloping part of the hill a hypaethral tem- dicuntur" Justin 43. i), while the conple, having the grove on both sides and in ception of “mens' as a thing communicated front: in the front sculptured doors : on is abundantly supported by such passages the fourth or hinder side, consisting merely as 1. 304., 12. 554, G. 3. 267. of the bare perpendicular rock of the hill, 12.] The Delian prophet' is not an a number of other doors, leading into a unmeaning description of Apollo here, as vast cave in the substance of the rock. it implies that the same power which is · Arces' seems to point to the hilly position manifested at Delos is manifested at Cumae. as well as to the height of the temple. As Heyne remarks, Apollo is Jupiter's pro“ Altus Apollo ” 10. 875, where majesty phet, just as the Sibyl is Apollo's: comp. seems the prominent notion. Here it 3. 251, Aesch. Eum. 19, 616 foll. would be difficult to exclude the notion of 13.) They enter first the grove that physical elevation, already indicated by surrounds or abuts the temple, then the
arces :' perhaps also height of stature is temple itself. intended. This would agree with the fact, 14.] For Daedalus and the stories conmentioned by Sery. on the authority of nected with him see Dict. Myth. The bulk Caelius, that the statue of Apollo at Cumae of tradition seems to point to Sicily as the was fifteen feet high.
place where he took refuge after leaving 10.) Horrendae seems rightly taken Crete: but Sardinia was also mentioned as by Forb. in its strict sense, as the aspect a spot to which he went. Italy as well as of the Sibyl under the divine afflatus might the adjoining islands would naturally assowell inspire horror : comp. vv. 47 foll., 77 ciate his name with its works of art : and foll. • Procul' is explained by Heyne and so Sil. 12. 102 makes him the builder of a Wagn., in conformity with their general temple of Apollo at Capua, under circumview, of the distance of the cave from the stances similar to those in the text-one temple : by Henry, of the distance of both of Silius' many imitations of Virg. • Reg. from the place where Aeneas landed. Per. na’ probably includes the government as haps it rather denotes the depth of the well as the kingdom. At any rate · Minoia' cavern, stretching far into the distance. is significant, as it was on Minos' account ‘Secreta' 8. 463, G. 4. 403.
that Daedalus fled from Crete. 11.] ‘Mentem animumque' is doubtless 15.] Virg. might have spoken of flying the Homeric κατά φρένα και κατά θυμόν, as either trusting to wings or trusting to as Cerda and others have remarked, “mens' the sky. Here he has chosen the latter, referring to the power of insight, “animus' pennis' being the instrumental abl. This to energy of conception, language, and is better than to make ‘pennis' dat., gesture, as Forb. says. But there is still "caelo' abl., whether caelo 'be connected a question, which Heyne states, as to the in that case with what precedes, or, as construction of inspirat,'-—whether it Heyne suggested and Wakef. punctuates, means that Apollo breathes a mind and with what follows. “Credunt caelo " G. spirit into the Sibyl, or, as we should say, 4. 192 is different : see note there. Praeinspires her mind and spirit, i. e. with the petibus' here merely means “swift,' and knowledge of the future. If we adopt the has no augurial reference. latter, which Heyne prefers, we must take 16.] We have already had 'naro' and
Chalcidicaque levis tandem super adstitit arce.
one of its compounds used of flying, 4. 245, genitive, Androgeo being only found in G. 4.59. But Virg. may have been think- later copies : but the grammarians are ing of Lucr. 3. 591, “Quam prolapsa (Serv., Charisius, Priscian, Probus) for the foras enaret in aeris auras," of the soul Greek form here,and I have followed Wagn. quitting the body. "Gelidas ad Arctos' in restoring it, though with considerable has perplexed the commentators : but hesitation. •Tum' indicates that the Wagn. after Hand. Turs. 1, p. 82, seems Athenians sending their children to death right in explaining it as meaning no more was a second subject represented. How it than that Daedalus flew northward, which was represented may be gathered from v. would be the case whether we think of his 22, "stat ductis sortibus urna." With rising from the ground, or of the position pendere poenas' comp. Catull
. 62 (64). of Cumae as north of Crete.
173, “ Indomito nec dira ferens stipendia 17.] Marius Plotius De Metris quotes tauro," of the Minotaur. Chalcidicas--arces,' and Med. exhibits 21.] • Miserum’interjectional, like 'intraces of a reading "arcem,' which Heins. fandum,' nefas' &c. Heinsius' latest noprefers. Chalcidica :' see above on v. 2. tion that it could stand for 'miserorum' • Levis' of easy motion, 5.819, = 'volans.' is contrary to Virg.'s usage: see on 3.704. · Arce: “the ancient citadel or arx (still Septena :' the story mentioned seven called the Rocca di Cuma), an isolated and youths and seven maidens : but Virg. has precipitous rock, very difficult of access, chosen only to name the former. and on that account regarded as a very 22.] Corpora natorum : see on 2. 18. strong fortress :" Dict. G. Cumae.' 'Ad. The force of the periphrasis here is the stitit. 1. 301 note.
same as when in the writ of Habeas Corpus 18.] 'Redditus' &c. gives the reason of the body of a prisoner is required to be what follows. This being the place where produced. “Stat ductis sortibus urna' = he alighted, he paid a thank-offering to "stat urna, et sortes inde ducuntur.' Comp. Apollo here. One MS. gives hic,' which G. 2. 141 “Invertere satis dentibus.” Burm. prefers and Heyne approves : but 23.] ‘Respondet,' like 'contra,' implies Wagn. rightly remarks that "his' is more that the sculpture of Crete was a pendant poetical, as it includes hic. Comp. 1. to the sculpture of Athens, as Henry re534 note. With 'primum 'Wagn. comp. marks. “Elata mari:' see on 5.588. Pal. 3. 209, “ Servatum ex undis Strophadum has ‘Cnosia.' me litora primum Accipiunt.”
24.] We need not inquire how many of 19.] Daedalus hangs up his wings, as a the subjects hinted at by Virg. were sepamariner rescued from shipwreck hangs up rately represented. It is sufficient to say his garments, or a soldier the arms which that there was a plurality of sculptures in he has used for the last time. “Remigium the Cretan part, as there had been in the alarum” 1. 301 note. Cerda is doubtless Athenian. “ Crudelis amor” E. 10. 29. right in regarding the temple also as a Here the epithet is meant to excite our votive offering. Posuit templa’ G. 3. 13. pity for Pasiphae as a victim, as she actually
20.] For sculptures on the door of a was, the passion having been Venus' retemple comp. G. 3. 26 note. Letum' venge on her for revealing the goddess' (erat): for Androgeus and the different adultery with Mars. Furto' = 'fur. accounts of his death see Diet. Myth. s.v. tim’ 4. 337. Comp. 7. 283, "Supposita For the spelling ‘Androgeo' or ' Androgei' de matre nothos furata creavit.” see on 2. 371. Here the majority of MSS. 25.] ‘Mixtum genus' is explained by (Med., Pal., Rom., &c.) is for the Latin 'proles biformis.'