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Ipse ego paulisper pro te tua munera inibo.
Cui vix attollens Palinurus lumina fatur:
Mene salis placidi voltum fluctusque quietos
Ignorare iubes ? mene huic confidere monstro ?
Aenean credam quid enim fallacibus auris
Et caeli totiens deceptus fraude sereni?
Talia dicta dabat, clavumque affixus et haerens

850

between the dat. and the abl. See on E. also read caelo,' reading too 'fallacius 'for 7. 47.

• fallacibus,' and so making 'quid-caelo' 846.] ‘Inire' seems to contain the notion parenthetical. A further change, also of entering upon, as in‘inire magistratum.' sanctioned by some MSS. (e. g. Gud. a So “inire inperia” is said by Stat. Ach. m. p.), would be to read caelo sereno;' 1. 280, not, as Forc. says, in the sense of but fraude' would then be an awkward subire et iis parere,' but with a special and superfluous adjunct of deeeptus.' reference to a horse being only just sub- The proposal, revived by Bothe, to take mitted to the process of breaking in. quid enim' parenthetically, supplying Virg. probably avoided ‘obibo’ from his 'monstro' to 'credam,' and leaving auusual love of variety, wishing his readers ris' to go with fraude,' had already to be reminded of the one compound by been rejected with reason by Heyne as the other, while choosing a word which contrary to the sense of quid enim.' has a meaning of its own.

Accepting the ordinary pointing as the 847.] “Vix attollens lumina' aut a only natural one, we cannot separate sideribus removens, aut certe numinis credam' from 'auris,' as Jahn still wishes praesentia praegravatus, quod est melius," to do; while on the other hand to underServ. Heyne agrees with this preference stand et deceptus,' and that after having of the latter interpretation, but Wagn. been deceived, with Heyne, Wagn., &c., and Forb. are surely right in adopting the seems scarcely natural. I would then reformer, which agrees with v. 853. Strictly gard it as one of the instances where Virg. speaking Palinurus would have to turn has coupled by a copula two forms of exrather than raise his eyes in order to look pression not grammatically co-ordinate at the pretended Phorbas; but the attitude (see on 3. 329), •fallacibus auris' being of looking down is so natural to those en- equivalent to ‘falsus auris,' deceptus caeli gaged in work, that we easily understand fraude' to 'fraudi caeli quae decepit me.' how Virg. came to speak of looking up. As such it is rightly included by Wagn. in

818.] Salis' of the sea 1. 35 &c. his Q. V. 34. 2, though with Heyne he

849.j Palinurus asks in effect. Do you gives to 'et' the sense of 'et quidem.' bid me, who know so well the real nature In these cases Virg. generally contents of this quiet sea, to act as if I did not himself with coupling two words, such as know it?' “Monstrum' is apparently an adverb and an adjective: here he goes used of the sea to express its strange and further, so that we might almost class it noxious qualities, much as we should use with instances of the confusion of two 'monster.' We may comp. its use of the constructions, were it not that here the Trojan horse, 2. 245, of Polyphemus, 3. two constructions are completed before 658, of Cacus, 198, as well as note on they are forced into co-ordination. 'Auris' G. 1. 185.

was restored by Wagn. from Med. and 850.] This and the next line present Rom. for • austris,' which is found in Pal. considerable difficulty, as the structure of from a correction and in Gud., and is supv. 850 seems to show that “auris' is the ported by Donatus and the Dresden Sery. dative after credam,' while that of v. 851 852.] Pal. and two other good MSS. have pleads for coupling it with 'caeli fraude 'dictabat,' as in 9. 323 some have“ sereni.' Serv. appears to have read 'caelo,' tabo” for “vasta dabo," varieties which the reading of some of Pierius' copies, and support Lambinus' “ nuda dabant" for originally of Pal., and so Ribbeck; but “ nudabant” in Lucr. 5. 970. The imperthough this would make it eas to take fects are intended to show that while he auris' as a dat., it would introduce clum- was speaking he moved neither hand nor siness and obvious tautology. Donatus eye. Virg. doubtless took his description

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855

Nusquam amittebat, oculosque sub astra tenebat.
Ecce deus ramum Lethaeo rore madentem
Vique soporatum Stygia super utraque quassat
Tempora, cunctantique natantia lumina solvit.
Vix primos inopina quies laxaverat artus :
Et superincumbens cum puppis parte revolsa
Cumque gubernaclo liquidas proiecit in undas
Praecipitem ac socios nequiquam saepe vocantem ;
Ipse volans tenuis se sustulit ales ad auras.
Currit iter tutum non setius aequore classis,

860

from Od. 3. 281, where Menelaus' pilot dies bind or to relax the eyes. Comp. 9. 189 by a visitation of Apollo in the performance somno vinoque soluti,” 10. 418 “leto of his duty, andálov meta xepol deouons canentia lumina solvit.” Here there is a vnos éxovta. For clavum Med. a m. p. special propriety in the image, as opposed gives clavo,' a natural variation, which to the unremitting tension which Palinurus might also be accounted for by the form had kept up. “Natantia lumina " G. 4.

clavom,' found in Pal. a m. p. and adopted 496. by Ribbeck.

857.] “Vix' followed by 'et' 2. 692 853.] For ‘nusquam'one MS. (Hamb. note. Burm. erroneously took 'cum'in 1 a m. sec.) gives numquam,' which v. 858 as 'quum,' which would involve the Wagn. was inclined to adopt : but Forb. awkwardness of referring 'superincumrightly refers to Hand. Turs. 4. p. 349, bens' to 'quies,' not to speak of other where however the most apposite parallel, objections. Primos' has really the force Plaut. Bacch. 5. 2. 84, rests on a false or of 'primum,' as in 1. 723., 3. 69: but it is doubtful reading. “Nusquam discedere' also meant to be taken of those limbs, or is a phrase found more than once in Cic. that part of them, which were first affected where we might have expected 'numquam' by sleep. We should say sleep had scarcely (Ep. Att. 5. 11): and so Virg. has already begun to relax his limbs,' looking at the used nusquam abero’ 2. 620. There is process as separable into parts, though the however generally some little force in the effect of each part would extend equally to substitution, which here there can hardly the whole body: Virg. chooses to suppose be said to be.

one part of the body affected before another. 854.] A branch is used by the god as 858.] We need not, with one or two of the best instrument for sprinkling, as by the later editors, press Virg., as if the Medea Apoll. R. 4. 156 foll. in putting the breaking away of the rudder and a part of dragon to sleep. Heyne reminds us of the the stern were unlikely in itself and inconlustral bough, 6. 230. For the image of sistent with v. 868, where Aeneas manages dew used in connexion with sleep see on 1. to perform the part of pilot. The account 692.

is at least consistent with 6. 349 foll. 855.] •Soporare,' to affect with sleep, 860.] For saepe' Med. and one or two is commonly applied to making persons other MSS. read 'voce,' doubtless, as drowsy, more rarely, as here and 6. 420, Wagn. remarks, from a recollection of to imparting soporific properties. The such passages as 6. 506., 10.873. 'Saepe' transition is sufficiently natural, especially is confirmed, as he observes, by 4. 384, in poetry, and may be illustrated by Shak- “ nomine Dido Saepe vocaturum.” speare's 'insane root that takes the reason 861.] Some MSS. (including Pal. and prisoner.' No illustration has been quoted Gud.) give 'in auras,' which would be the of this supposed soporific effect of the stronger expression of the two, ‘into the waters of Styx. Perhaps the poet, having sky' rather than ‘sky-ward: see Wagn. mentioned Lethe, added Styx, to show that Q. V. 10.1. 'Ad' is supported by G. 1. 408, this was not an ordinary sleep, but a baleful qua se fert Nisus ad auras.' Sustulit and fatal one. So Serv. "morte plenum.” is connected closely with 'ales,' almost as

856.] .Cunctanti' of resistance 6. 211, if it had been “sustulit alis," as in v. 657 G. 2. 236. Heyne rightly remarks that above. sleep may be said with equal propriety to 862.] Currit iter' like “ decurre la

416

P. VERGILI MARONIS AENEID. LIB. V.

865

Promissisque patris Neptuni interrita fertur.
Iamque adeo scopulos Sirenum advecta subibat,
Difficilis quondam multorumque ossibus albos,
Tum rauca adsiduo longe sale saxa sonabant :
Cum pater amisso fluitantem errare magistro
Sensit, et ipse ratem nocturnis rexit in undis,
Multa
gemens, casuque

animum concussus amici :
O nimium caelo et pelago confise sereno,
Nudus in ignota, Palinure, iacebis arena.

870

SCO

borem " G. 2. 39. Comp. also A. 3. 191, the sea and take his natural rest-a charge and v. 235 above.

at once answered by Aeneas' ignorance of 863.] Interrita’ without fear, because the circumstances of the case. Pelago without danger. So perhaps 11.837 “spec- sereno' is a singular expression (in Stat. tatque interrita pugnas,” referring to the Silv. 3. 2. 10 the reading is doubtful): but position of the spectatress on a mountain. Virg. doubtless felt that 'caelo' paved the Patris : see on G. 2. 4.

way for the extension of the epithet. 864.] ' Iamque adeo ? 2. 567 note. 871.] ‘Nudus et,' an erroneous reading, 'Scopulos :'Hom. (Od. 12. 39 foll., 166 took possession of the early editions before toll.) says nothing about rocks: he speaks Pierius. *Nudus' apparently combines of the island of the Sirens, but in detail the two notions of uncovered by the water we hear merely of a meadow, with a pile (comp. E. 1.61, “ Et freta destituent nudos of human bones. Virg. has apparently in- in litore pisces”) and unburied. Comp. troduced ‘scopulos' from a wish to ration. Soph. Ant. 409, nãoav kóvw ohpartes alize the story, as if the real danger was και κατείχε τον Νέκυν, μυδών τε σώμα γυμfrom shipwreck. Accordingly he drops all váoarteS el. •Ignota' as opposed to a mention of the song, employs the epithet grave in his own country. To be buried difficiles' (comp. Cic. Div. Verr. 11, in a foreign land would have been a sorrow puloso difficilique in loco," where however (comp. Soph. El. 1141, Catull. 66 (68). 99 another reading is 'scrupuloso '), and de- &c.): to lie unburied in a foreign land was scribes the waves as even then plashing sorrow upon sorrow. • Arena' is signifiamong the rocks.

Quondam’ is another cant, as the corpse would be thrown up on instance (see on 3. 700, 704) of Virg. volun- the shore, and lie there. Serv. and Probus tarily or involuntarily separating the time (quoted by Pomp. Sabinus) preserve a trahe is writing of from the old heroic age. dition, which Ribbeck follows, that Virg.

866.] • Tum' referring to 'iamque, not added to this book vv. 1, 2 of Book 6, but contrasted with quondam.' • Rauca' that Tucca and Varius, or some one else (for qualifies 'sonabant,' as Wagn. remarks. the versions of the story vary) transferred The recurrence of the hissing sound is them to their present place. But the predoubtless intentional. “Sale saxa peresa sent arrangement is obviously the better of Lucr. 1. 326.

the two, supplying an affecting close to the 867.] The sound, and perhaps the un- book, which would be spoiled by carrying steady motion of the ship, wake Aeneas, our thoughts on to Aeneas' safe arrival, so who discovers his loss. Fluitantem er. that we may pause before we credit Virg. rare’ is perhaps from Lucr. 3. 1052, with a disposition so tasteless and so easily “Atque animi incerto fluitans errore va- avoided. The apparent abruptness of the garis.”

opening of the next book, ‘Sic fatur,' which 868.] . Ratem rexit: see on v.161 above. may have led to the introduction of the 869. Concussus' v. 700 above.

lines here on critical grounds, is doubtless 870.) This and the following line are due to an imitation of the opening of 11.7, the words of Aeneas, as we learn from the Od. 13. In concluding Book 3 Virg. chose beginning of the next book. Heyne an opposite course: but his object there thought them spurious : but the only was precisely the contrary : he did not charge he brings against them, except that wish his readers to dwell on Aeneas' last of frigidity, is that they are inconsistent words about the death of Anchises, and so with the fact, Palinurus having met his purposely carried them further, that they fate precisely because he refused to trust might end with a sense of repose.

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P. VERGILI MARONIS

A E N E I D O S

LIBER SEXTUS.

The celebrity of the Sixth Book of the Aeneid is one of those broad and acknowledged facts before which minute criticism is almost powerless. There is indeed no part of the work which more completely exemplifies the characteristics of Virgil as a poetical artist. He appears not only to reproduce Homer, but to absorb him. Aeneas sees all, or nearly all, that Ulysses sees—his parent, his friends, his enemies, and the heroes and heroines of previous legend : but he sees much more besides. The bare and shadowy outlines of the Homeric vekuta are filled in with details unquestionably elaborate and apparently precise. Instead of a place of simply ghostly existence, where suffering and doing seem to be the exceptions, and dreary, objectless being the rule, we have a territory mapped out and sharply divideda neutral region for those who are unfortunate rather than blameworthy, a barred and boltep prison-house of torture for the bad, a heroic Valhalla for prowess, genius, and worth. All that later Greek religion and philosophy taught by legend, allegory, and symbol is pressed into the service of poetry, and made to contribute to the production of a grand and impressive picture. As a climax to the whole, the Pythagorean doctrine of transmigration is invoked for the purpose of showing Aeneas the vision of the future, as he has already seen the vision of the past. He beholds the spirits that are to appear in each as actors in the great drama of Roman history, each even now wearing his historical form : and the line of worthies ends with the young hope of the nation, whose untimely death was still fresh in the memory of his countrymen when the poet wrote.

Yet, if we approach this wonderful production in detail, we meet with much that appears to us not only unaccountable or presumably wrong, but demonstrably inconsistent or confused. It is not merely, as Mr. Gladstone complains ", that “the Inferno of Virgil has no consistent or veracious relation to any idea of the future or unseen state actually operative among mankind.” To what extent this charge is true is, as we shall see, a difficult question ; but admitting it not to be wholly groundless, we may urge that a mythological poem of the Augustan age could not have the same relation to the real beliefs or anticipations of its readers as the Odyssey, with its absence of philosophy and its comparative uniformity of legend. The defects I allude to are such as vitiate not so much the spirit of the work as that about which Virgil is generally more careful, the external structure. Some of these indeed are merely of the nature

| Homeric Studies, vol. iii. p. 515.

VOL. II.

E e

of those which we have already encountered in earlier parts of the poem. In the opening of the book, while we admire the description of the temple of Cumae and the ravings of the Sibyl, and confess that Virgil has there taken full and worthy advantage of a supposed form of the supernatural which in Homer's time was only in its infancy, we must yet feel the awkwardness with which the Homeric Elpenor is introduced first as Misenus above ground, then as Palinurus below, when a single drowned friend would have been sufficient both to delay Aeneas' descent and to meet him on the threshold of the shades. So again it is not clear whether it is to rapidity and indirectness of narrative or to carelessness that we are to impute the apparent inconsistency between the intimations that these rivers, one of them ninefold, had to be passed by any one wishing to penetrate into the infernal world, and the circumstantial detail which would lead us to suppose that Aeneas only crossed one, and that only once. But the inconsistency of treatment becomes more serious as we advance further into the book. The lower world, as was said just now, is divided by Virgil into a neutral region, a place of torment, and a place of happiness. The two latter present no diffi. culty: the conception of the former is not so satisfactory. The general notion seems to be that it is the receptacle of those who, not having fulfilled their natural time of life, cannot be pronounced good or bad. This is Addison's view?, and it appears to satisfy the requirements of the passage as well as any that can be suggested: but it does not show the poet to have formed a consistent conception. Indeed, Virgil himself may be said to point out to us an incongruity in the picture he has drawn, when he introduces the class of persons who have suffered death by unjust sentences. We are ready at once to ask whether it is not the business of the tribunal of the other world to rectify the inequality of earthly judgments : and lest the thought should not occur to us, Virgil suggests it himself by telling us that the cases of these misjudged sufferers are reheard below. The natural conclusion would be that, after this rehearing, the spirits, now truly judged, are sent to Tartarus or Elysium : but of this not a word is said, and we are left to suppose that they remain in the dubious limbo where we first find them. But the doubt, once raised, extends further, and we ask whether the infallible Minos could not pronounce on the real character of all who have been prematurely cut off. A further question arises as to the nature of premature death. Tartarus, as afterwards described, contains many who have died before their time by the visitation of heaven. Is it intended that the Mourning Fields should contain all who have suffered by human vengeance ? Eriphyle is there ; would Virgil have ventured to introduce Clytaemnestra ? Again, what is to be said of the heroes, who occupy the extreme part of this neutral region ? It is not expressly stated that they died in war : we merely hear of them as ' bello clari.' The pale spectre of Adrastus' happens to be the spirit of the only one of the Seven against Thebes who survived the expedition. But even if we suppose that Virgil's general conception is that of slain warriors, can we say that he is consistent with himself in placing slain warriors in a condition neither of torment nor of happiness? There are heroes in Elysium; there are those who suffered wounds in battle for their country. But among the heroes in the neutral region there are found not only the assailants of Troy, but its defenders. Was theirs not a patriotic cause ? or are we to distinguish those who were merely wounded from those who were killed, and say that the former earned Elysium by their subsequent lives?

Such are some of the questions that may be raised about the earlier part of this Book. But they are as nothing to the grand difficulty which the poet has chosen to create by his philosophy of transmigration. The doctrine is a sublime one, and well

Works, vol. ii. p. 300, quarto edition, 1721 (cited by Warburton).

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