had been subjected to a trial at least as severe, and more protracted; and they had, in addition, been exposed to the demoralising influence of a prolonged retreat. But, while the cause of the failure is uncertain, and while opinion may differ as to the probable course of events if it had not occurred, there is little doubt that, but for the suspension of hostilities, it would have sealed the fate of the German armies. From the military point of view one may, perhaps, be allowed to express regret that the Germans' oft-repeated appeal to humanitarian sentiment-for which they have, themselves, shown no regard -should have been accepted. The Allied armies were thus deprived of their final and decisive victory, and the enemy was allowed to cherish the belief-as it is said they do that their armies are unbeaten.

W. P. BLOOD.

Art. 15.-THE REVOLUTION IN VIENNA.*

ON Saturday, Nov. 16, 1918, we read in the evening paper that an Englishman-the first since the war broke out a certain Mr Jeffries, representing the 'Daily Mail,' had arrived in Vienna. Mr Jeffries reached Vienna from Innsbrück on the evening of the 12th, the day when the Republic was officially proclaimed; and, in an interview, he had expressed his astonishment at the quietness with which the function passed off. He is reported to have telegraphed to his paper that he saw only one broken window-pane; but, on the other hand, he was struck by the number of well-dressed promenaders on the Ring, and can hardly believe that the population of Vienna, especially the better class, is suffering so severely as is commonly supposed in England.

As a matter of fact, Vienna, as any competent person could have told him, is on the verge of starvation—no food, no clothes, no coals, and a severe winter in prospect. But it is clear that this is Mr Jeffries' first visit to Vienna, otherwise he would have known, first, that the Viennese

The author of this paper has been resident in Vienna since the outbreak of the war (Editor).

are probably the most orderly and best-conducted crowd, in Europe; and secondly, that it is the endeavour of each Viennese, no matter how poor and hungry he is. to dress as well as, or even better than, his purse allow him. The Revolution passed off quietly because not on person in ten cared a brass farthing for it politically It was an experiment; and all that people hoped an still hope from it is that it will put an end to thei sufferings and enable them to enjoy life once more. It was the same thing in 1848, as we learn from Grill parzer's Reminiscences.'

The Revolution (if the collapse of the old régime ca be called such) was the work of a handful of individual at the head of whom stood the editor of the 'Arbeite Zeitung,' Viktor Adler; but it has little hold on th people except, as we said, as a possible means of evadin starvation; and the Arbeiter Zeitung,' which is cor cerned to keep alive what enthusiasm there exists fo the young Republic by emphasising the fact that it i the dragon of militarism that has lived in our midst an eaten up our provisions,' is not far wrong in saying the 'we have a republic but no republicans.' Things ar different in Hungary and Bohemia, where provisions ar cheap and plentiful; but for German Austria food is crucial question. If the red, white and red flag of th Republic that to-day waves over the Parliament and th Burg means bread, then well and good. If not? It i therefore, intensely foolish of any well-wisher of th new Republic to suggest that the better class of Viennes by which we understand the middle-class with fixe incomes, is not, despite its respectable exterior, sufferin just as much and even more from lack of food than th workman.*

* A Vienna paper, published shortly before this article was writter says: The middle classes have suffered in the War much worse than th organised working classes. The workman was economically better pr vided for; his wages were far more proportionate to the rise of prices tha the salaries of the civil servants and the teaching body. These classe could obtain the means of life only at usurious prices, while their socia position demanded continuous sacrifices in order to keep up appearance according to the recognised standard. The expenditure thereby incurre was only in the rarest cases covered by professional income; those les fortunate were forced either to spend the savings which in time of peac they had toilsomely earned, or to plunge recklessly into debt.'

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The Austrian German is at best a doctrinaire. His indifference to politics is to an Englishman unintelligible; his want of principle not less so. Not four years ago

some of those who now figure as out-and-out republicans, and even hold office in the new Government, were convinced monarchists and admirers of William II and Tisza. Had the Central Powers won, those individuals would have remained true to the yellow and black flag of the House of Habsburg, and we should have heard plenty of excuses for militarism. We remember an article written by the editor of what is to-day perhaps the most radical paper in Vienna, belauding William II in a strain which all but elevated him to the divine. The German is sometimes very amusing. For instance, if he takes it into his head to become a golfer, his first business is to visit his tailor and order a red coat; his second to buy a book on the subject, and then to tackle game itself. So it is with our new republicans. We have got our flags; we have dismissed the Emperor and his family; we have covered up, if (in anticipation of a counter-revolution) we have not removed, every trace of the imperial arms from our shop windows, just as we did 'English spoken here' at the beginning of the war; we call no man Excellency any more; and some of us have even taken to reading Bryce on the American Commonwealth; but we are republicans only in name.

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The proclamation of the Republic was the signal for the dissolution of the old Parliament. That Parliament, or rather the House of Commons (for with its sleeping partner, the House of Lords, we need not here concern urselves), represented the people of the old Empire of Austria as a whole-Germans, Poles, Czechs, Ruthenians, Jugo-Slavs and Italians-on the basis of universal manhood suffrage. In all appearance it was the most demoratic country in Europe-but only in appearance. In act it was, as it had ever been, 'an unlovely despotism.' The Ministry consisted of nominees of the Crown; and, addition to this privilege, the Crown had the right by aragraph 14 of the Constitution to send Parliament bout its business and rule alone, with the saving clause hat its proceedings in the interim should be sanctioned y the next following Parliament.

Naturally, when war against Serbia was declared, th paragraph was at once called into requisition; and th real and only ruler of Austria became the Ministe President Graf Stürgkh, who, in his turn, was merely th tool of the Hungarian Prime Minister, Tisza, and th military party. As the war continued longer than w at first expected, and people began to grow impatient their sufferings, a demand arose that Parliament shou be summoned. To this demand Graf Stürgkh turned deaf ear. One day he was murdered by the son Viktor Adler. Shortly afterwards the Emperor, Fran Joseph, died; and his successor, the Emperor Carl, his desire to right matters, agreed to summon Parl ment, and at the same time amnestied the politic victims (mostly Czechs) of Graf Stürgkh's régime. T result was that, when Parliament met, his conduct (whi was attributed to the influence of Prof. Lammasch) w violently denounced by the German Nationalists a Christian Socialists. But their efforts to reverse t Emperor's act proved unavailing; and from this mome the Czechs began to obtain the upper hand. Owing their opposition, the task of carrying on the war beca very difficult; and representations were made to Germa that Austria had reached the limits of her streng The statement was received with incredulity by Lude dorff; and, in order to screw Austrian courage up to t sticking-point, large military assistance was sent a the great offensive against Italy started. The Italia were driven back on the line of the Piave; anoth stroke, and it was thought Italy must succumb.

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Hitherto the mot d'ordre had been 'peace with annexations and indemnities.' But under the effect the great victory the author of that phrase, Graf Czern who had succeeded Baron Burian at the Foreign Off shortly after the accession of the Emperor Carl, thoug fit to threaten a revision of the terms of peace, and the same time to denounce the Czechs as a nation traitors. In the same spirit of confidence in the succe ful issue of the war, certain proposals made at this tit (September 1917) by President Wilson were suppressed

But, as time went on, and the Italians, supported the English and French, managed, contrary to expectation, to maintain their position, public enthusias

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declined. Winter was coming on; the harvest, owing to the prolonged drought, was below the average; and the people were beginning to suffer severely from want of bread and other necessities of life. Their courage was restored by the Brest-Litowsk peace and the promise of plentiful supplies from the Ukraine. The bread never came; but the Brest-Litowsk peace set free the German and Austrian armies on the east front. The situation for the Allies, owing to the inability of America to counterbalance the increased strength thus acquired by the Germans on the west front, was sufficiently critical to induce them to offer terms for a compromise. Apparently Czernin, whose speech against the Czechs had raised a hornets' nest about his ears, was willing to discuss matters; but he was restrained by Ludendorff's famous 'Let us conquer."

Twenty-four hours later the German March offensive began. This time the English were to be driven into the sea and Paris to be captured. The pick of the Austrian army was sent to assist. For a time it looked as if the general expectation of success was about to be realised. The English were compelled to retreat, and Paris was bombarded. Hindenburg received the highest order it was in the power of William II to give him; and Vienna was officially beflagged. For the last time, as it proved; for shortly afterwards came Foch's great counter-offensive, and step by step the Germans were driven back and over their old lines. The disappointment was intense. To all but the blindest the issue of

But

the long struggle was becoming clear at last. On Sept. 11 the German Government through the imperial Vice-Chancellor, von Payer, announced its readiness to agree to an honourable peace,' on the basis of a union of nations as proposed by Wilson. For Austria, Baron Burian, who had succeeded Czernin, did the same. his note was coolly received in England and France; and, before further steps had been taken, the Bulgarian front was broken by the united efforts of the English, French, Serbians and Greeks. By the end of the month Bulgaria submitted to the terms of armistice dictated by the Allies. Efforts were made in Vienna to minimise the disaster. But subsequent events clearly demonstrated the critical nature of the situation; and, at the beginning