which case the treaty between them would have been of short duration. He gained many advantages over the Bruttians and Lucanians; he took Heraclea, Consentia, Sipontum, Terina, and other towns, and sent three hundred noble families as hostages to Epirus ;(76) but during some hostile operations in the Bruttian territory, two-thirds of his army were cut off, and he was treacherously put to death by some Lucanian exiles, whom he kept as a bodyguard about his person. Before he left Epirus he had been warned by an oracle to beware of the city of Pandosia, and the waters of Acheron. Alexander had referred this ambiguous admonition to the city and river, so named, in Epirus; he was however transfixed by a spear while crossing a river Acheron, near a city of Pandosia, in southern Italy.(77)

(76) Justin, ib., tells a story of Alexander being prevented from attacking the Apulians by respect for an ancient oracle, which appeared to promise them perpetual possession of the country.

(77) Livy, viii. 24; Strab. vi. 1, § 5; Ib. 3, § 4; Justin, xii. 2, xvii. 3, xxiii. 1; Plut. de Fort. Rom. 13. Strabo, vi. 3, § 4, attributes the death of Alexander to the resentment caused by his transfer of a general festival of the Greeks of that region from Heraclea in the Tarentine territory, to the Thurian territory, near the river Acalandrus. The details of the death of Alexander, and of the subsequent fate of his body, given by Livy (which appear to have been derived from some contemporary Greek writer), do not agree with the statement of Justin: Corpus ejus Thurii publice redemtum sepulturæ tradiderunt;' xii. 2. Justin, ib., states that the oracular warning was given by Jupiter of Dodona. Strabo, ib., and Steph. Byz. in Πανδοσία mention another ambiguous oracle: Πανδοσία τρικύλωνε πολύν ποτε λαὸν ὀλέσσεις. The ambiguity here was similar to that in the oracular verse about Croesus crossing the Halys; as it was uncertain in the one whether Croesus would overthrow the Persian kingdom or his own, so in this verse it was uncertain whether the army of Alexander or of the enemy would be destroyed near Pandosia. The tres tumuli' near Pandosia are mentioned by Livy. Numerous other instances of ambiguous predictions respecting the place of death are collected in the note of Berneccer on Justin, xii. 2, in the edition of Gronovius. See Thuc. iii. 96, concerning the death of Hesiod at Nemea; Herod. iii. 64, concerning the death of Cambyses at Ecbatana; Plut. Flamin. 20, Paus. viii. 11, § 11, concerning the death of Hannibal at Libyssa in Bithynia; Ælian, V. H. iii. 45, concerning the oracle given to Philip of Macedon to avoid rò apua; and Paus. viii. 11, § 10, concerning the death of Epaminondas in the grove of Pelagos. Pausan. ib., says that the Athenians were encouraged to undertake the unfortunate expedition to Syracuse by an oracle from Dodona exhorting them to found a colony in Sicily; whereas the place meant was a hill named Sicily, close to Athens. A story is told in Serv. Æn. vi. 321, of Apollo promising the Erythræan Sibyl that her life should last as long as she did not see the Erythræan island where she then dwelt. She accordingly went to Cumæ, and when she became very old, and retained no other power than her

His death appears to have taken place in 331 B.C., just seven years after the death of Archidamus.(78) The example of his

voice, the citizens, either from jealousy or compassion, sent her a letter sealed with Erythræan chalk. As soon as she saw it, she expired. An ambiguous prediction respecting a death at Jerusalem is said to have deceived Pope Sylvester, who died in a church so called, Robert Guiscard, who found the name at Ithaca (Anna Comnena, Alex. vi. 6), and King Henry IV. of England, who died in a room which bore the name of Jerusalem. See the commentators on the second part of Henry IV., act 4, scene 4:

'It hath been prophesied to me many years,
I should not die but at Jerusalem;

Which vainly I supposed the Holy Land.
But bear me to that chamber; there I'll lie;
In that Jerusalem shall Harry die.'

It is mentioned in Demosth. de Halon. p. 84 (343 B.C.) that Philip gave three towns in Cassopia, namely, Pandosia, Bucheta, and Elatea, to his kinsman Alexander. There appear to have been two towns named Pandosia in southern Italy; one on the river Siris, near Heraclea (Plut. Pyrrh. 16); the other near Consentia, in the Bruttian territory; Strab. vi. 1, § 5. In this description Strabo follows the coast from Laus southwards, and makes Consentia and Pandosia maritime towns between Terina and Hipponium. Livy likewise mentions Pandosia with Clampetia and Consentia, xxix. 38. Consentia was however an inland town; its situation is well ascertained; see the art. in Dr. Smith's Dict. of Anc. Geogr. Compare Leake's Numism. Hellen. Part ii. p. 134. Pandosia seems likewise to be placed by Scylax, § 12, on the western coast of Lucania. He names it between Posidonia and Laus, to the north, and Terina, Hipponium, Medma, and Rhegium, to the south. It was the latter Pandosia near which Alexander met his fate. The foundation of Pandosia and Metapontum is placed together by the ancient chronologists, in 774 B.C. See Clinton ad ann. and Raoul-Rochette, Colonies Grecques, vol. iii. p. 163.

(78) This date is fixed by Justin, xii. 1, who states that Antipater sent Alexander intelligence of the deaths of Agis and Alexander of Epirus by the same despatch, which arrived soon after the battle of Arbela. (331 B.C.) Compare Clinton, F. H. vol. ii. p. 234. Justin further states that Alexander the Great received the news of his uncle's death when he was in Parthia, and that he ordered the army to observe it by a mourning of three days; xii. 3. Alexander was in Parthia in 330 B.C. Livy, viii. 24, likewise refers the death of Alexander to the same year as the foundation of Alexandria; as Alexandria was founded in 332 B.C., this gives a result not very different. Livy states that Alexander landed in Italy in the consulship of Manlius and Decius (340 B.C. according to Fischer); that the battle of Pæstum and the treaty with Rome were in the consulship of Cornelius and Domitius (332 B.C.), and that his death fell in the consulship of Poetelius and Papirius. (326 B.C.) See viii. 3, 17, 24. This supposes Alexander to have been in Italy fourteen years; it likewise places his landing two years before the expedition of Archidamus, which is contrary to all probability, to the express testimony of Strabo, vi. 3, § 4, and to the order of events in Diodorus. Orosius, iii. 11, places the expedition and death of Alexander of Epirus in the year 422 U.c. (332 B.C.), and states that he was defeated and slain by the Samnites in Lucania. In c. 18, he is stated to have been defeated by the Bruttii and Lucani. The marriage

kinsman Alexander is said to have been among the inducements which determined Pyrrhus to undertake the expedition to Italy, when he was entreated by the Tarentines to assist them in their war against Rome.(79) The detailed account given by Livy of the circumstances accompanying the death of Alexander of Epirus in the Bruttian territory was doubtless derived from some contemporary Greek historian; perhaps from Theopompus, who is known to have mentioned the event in his history.(80)

§ 25 About thirty years after the death of Alexander, the Tarentines made another application to their metropolis for assistance. According to the account given by Diodorus, they sent ambassadors to Sparta, to ask for military succour, and the leadership of Cleonymus, younger son of Cleomenes II., and uncle to Areus, the reigning king. The application was readily granted. Cleonymus sailed to Tarentum, and collected, partly in Greece and partly in Italy, a force of more than 32,000 men. With this army he soon intimidated the Lucanians; he likewise levied a contribution of more than 600 talents from Metapontum, and took 200 noble virgins as hostages; but nothing is said by Diodorus of any conflict with the Romans, against whom, as well as the Lucanians, the aid of Cleonymus had been solicited. After these successes, he is described as meditating an expedition to Sicily, in order to liberate the island from the dominion

of Alexander with Cleopatra took place in 336 B.C. This is a great landmark in Grecian history, as at his nuptials Philip was killed. Alexander never returned to Epirus from Italy; his Italian expedition therefore was not earlier than 336 B.C. If the statement of Justin that Alexander of Epirus emulated his nephew Alexander the Great, and the anecdote in Gell. xvii. 21, § 33, are true, it may be brought down to 334 B.C.-the year in which Alexander crossed the Hellespont. His death may be safely placed in 331 B.C. on the evidence stated above, and this would give about three years for his stay in Italy; which is not an improbable time. His widow Cleopatra married Perdiccas in 323 B.C. Diod. xviii. 23. (79) In rem inclinatum semel animum præcipitem agere cœperant exempla majorum; ne aut inferior patruo suo Alexandro videretur, quo defensore iidem Tarentini adversus Bruttios usi fuerant, &c.; Justin, xviii. 1. Justin calls Alexander the uncle of Pyrrhus. He was in fact his first cousin once removed.

quam

(So) Pandosiam Lucanorum urbem fuisse Theopompus (auctor est), in quâ Alexander Epirotes occubuerit; Plin. N. H. iii. 15. (fragm. 233, ed. Didot.) Theopompus was alive at the time of this expedition.

of Agathocles.(81) He removed however to Corcyra, where he established a garrison, and levied contributions on the island. After a time, hearing that the Tarentines and some of the neighbouring tribes had shaken off his yoke, he made a descent upon the Italian coast, but he sustained a defeat from the natives, and having besides lost some ships, he returned to Corcyra. Thus ended his Italian expedition. At a later date, he was at Sparta, and treacherously invited Pyrrhus to invade it, in 272 B.C., an enterprize which cost Pyrrhus his life.(82) The 200 female hostages taken by Cleonymus, at Metapontum, were mentioned by Duris of Samos, in the second book of his history of Agathocles. Duris was a contemporary writer; and as Cleonymus meditated an expedition to Sicily, in order to overthrow the dominion of Agathocles, it is very likely that his proceedings in Southern Italy were narrated in that work; and that the narrative of Duris was consulted by Diodorus. (88)

Livy places the expedition of Cleonymus in the year after that named by Diodorus. (8) He says nothing of an invitation from the Tarentines, or of a war between Rome and Tarentum ; but describes Cleonymus as landing with a fleet in Italy, and taking the town of Thuriæ.(85) He states that Æmilius, the consul, being sent to attack him, drove him out of the country in a single battle, and restored Thuriæ to its rightful possessors.

(81) The period of the dominion of Agathocles was 317-289 B.C. (82) Diod. xx. 104-5, who places these events in the year of Cornelius and Genucius, 303 B.C. Compare Strab. vi. § 3, 4.

40.

(83) Ap. Athen. xiii. p. 605 D.; see Fragm. Hist. Gr. vol. ii. p. 478. The works of Duris were read by Diodorus, see xv. 60. The battle of Sentinum, in which the Romans fought against the Samnites, Etruscans, Umbrians, and Gauls, in 295 B.C., was mentioned by Duris, ib. p. 479, fragm. In Aristot. Mirab. Auscult. 78, a story is told of an attempt by two persons named Aulus the Peucetian, and Gaius, to poison Cleonymus the Spartan with a deadly plant which grew at Circæum, and of their being convicted and put to death by the Tarentines. This story, which refers to the expedition of Cleonymus to Tarentum, is of Greek origin, but could not have been recorded by Aristotle, who died in 322 B.C., about twenty years before this expedition. Compare above, vol. i. p. 328, n. 124.

(84) In the year of Livius and Æmilius, 302 B.C.; Livy, x. 2.

(85) Thurii appears to be intended; but if this be so, Livy commits a geographical error in placing it in the Sallentine territory.

He adds, however, that some histories represented C. Junius Bubulcus as having been sent on this expedition, but as not having arrived at the place until after Cleonymus had left Italy. Livy says nothing about the lodgment effected by Cleonymus in Corcyra, but describes with much detail a piratical expedition which he subsequently made in the upper part of the Adriatic. He landed at the mouth of the Meduacus, near Patavium, and was driven off by the Veneti, who dwelt on the spot. The details of this descent appear to be given by Livy from local information and recollections: he states that there were many persons alive in his time who remembered having seen the trophies of this expedition in the old temple of Juno: he likewise adds, that an annual combat of ships was still held in the river at Patavium, in memory of the engagement with Cleonymus.(66) Livy's account of the proceedings of Cleonymus in Southern Italy agrees very ill with that of Diodorus: it appears to be derived from Roman sources.(87)

§ 26 The city of Privernum, in the Volscian territory, is stated by Livy to have been stormed by the consul, C. Marcius, and to have capitulated to him in 357 B.C.(88) Nevertheless, in 342 B.C., the Privernates committed acts of hostility against the Romans; and in the following year they were attacked and defeated, a strong garrison was put in their town, and they were mulcted of two-thirds of their territory.(") In 330-1 B.C., they are again at war with Rome, and are again defeated. Their reduction is chiefly memorable on account of the answers which Livy attributes to the Privernate envoy when the Senate were debating upon the treatment of the rebellious city. Being asked

(86) Rostra navium spoliaque Laconum, in æde Junonis veteri fixa, multi supersunt qui viderunt. Patavii monumentum navalis pugnæ eo die quo pugnatum est, quotannis solenni certamine navium in flumine oppidi medio exercetur; Livy, x. 2. Compare Niebuhr, Hist. vol. iii. p. 268-73; Arnold, vol. ii. p. 313-316.

(87) Niebuhr indeed thinks that Livy's account of the piratical expedition of Cleonymus is taken from a Greek writer; Lect. vol. i. p. lviii. Dr. Schmitz, however, points out that his reason for this opinion is

erroneous.

(88) vii. 16.

(89) Ib. c. 42; viii. 1.