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Pars pedes ire parat campis, pars arduus altis
Pulverulentus equis furit; omnes arma requirunt.
Pars levis clipeos et spicula lucida tergent
Arvina pingui, subiguntque in cote secures ;
Signaque ferre iuvat, sonitusque audire tubarum.
Quinque adeo magnae positis incudibus urbes
Tela novant, Atina potens Tiburque superbum,
Ardea Crustumerique et turrigerae Antemnae.

which we have them, but that on revision
he would have left out vv. 624-627, if not
v. 628.

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624.]" "Pedes apparat ire" 10. 453. "It campis" 4. 404. Pars arduus' &c. is a mixture of two common constructions, "pars ardua" and "pars ardui" (nom. masc.), resulting, no doubt, from the use of pedes' immediately before. For arduus' comp. v. 285, "Sublimes in equis redeunt." Pulverulentus furit' should, as Forb. says, be taken closely together, as if it were "furendo pulverem excitat:" this will remove the difficulty of the two epithets, arduus altis equis' alone being opposed to 'pedes.'

625.] Requirunt' i. q. "quaerunt:" comp. v. 460 &c. Macrob. Sat. 6. 1 quotes from Ennius (A. 6. fr. 10), "Balantum pecudes quatit: omnes arma requirunt."

626.] Tergunt' was introduced by Heyne, from a misunderstanding of the critical notices of Pierius and Heins. It is really supported only by a correction in Gud., by some MSS. of less authority, including Canon. and Balliol, and by some notices in the grammarians, who speak of it as equally admissible with 'tergent,' though Serv. says 'tergo tergis' is obsolete. 'Levis' and 'lucida' are of course proleptic.

627.] Serv. quotes Suetonius de Vitiis Corporalibus to prove that 'arvina' is the hard fat between the skin and the flesh: others however, he says, gave the name to lard. The only other writers who use it, Prudentius and Sidonius Apollinaris, make it a synonyme for fat. Subigunt,' rub

down, and so, whet. So it is used of kneading bread: see Freund. For 'securis' see on v. 510.

628.] This line describes the march of the assembling troops. 'Signa ferre,' to advance, 8. 498 (comp. "inferre signa," "conferre signa"), with the notion also of course of the pride taken in displaying or advancing the standards. Med. has iubet,' the same variety as in 4. 498, from which

625

630

Heins. plausibly suggests 'lubet,' a variety actually found along with 'iuvat' 9. 514. But the copyist may have thought of 8. 498, "signaque ferre iubent." Generally we may comp. Hor. 1 Od. 1. 23, "Multos castra iuvant et lituo tubae Permixtus sonitus," which may have been in Virg.'s mind.

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629.] Quinque adeo,' literally, as many as five great cities: but adeo' should in fact merely be rendered by an emphasis on quinque:' see on v. 427., 3. 203. Positis incudibus: they set up anvils, for which they had previously had no occasion. Forb. comp. Ov. F. 4. 473, "Antraque Cyclopum positis exusta caminis."

630.] Tela novant' like "transtra novant" 5. 752. Comp. Hor. 1 Od. 35. 38, "O utinam nova Incude diffingas retusum in Massagetas Arabasque ferrum." Atina is apparently regarded by Virg. as a Latin city, though it seems to have been originally Volscian, while historically it was Samuite (Dict. G. s. v.). Tibur is called superbum' doubtless with reference to its position, though Serv. fancies there is an allusion to an answer given by the Roman senate on one occasion to a Tiburtine embassy, "superbi estis."

631.] Ardea' above v. 411. 'Crustumeri' would seem to be the inhabitants of Crustumerium, the people being mentioned instead of the town on metrical grounds: they are however generally called "Crustumini," and the place is sometimes called "Crustumium," which would have suited the metre. For the questions about its origin see Dict. G. It was said to have been conquered by Romulus along with Antemnae and Caenina, all of which took up arms to avenge the rape of their women at the Consualia (Livy. 1. 9. foll.). There are similar questions about the origin of Antemnae (Dict. G.). Sil. 8. 365 calls it "prisco Crustumio prior." It was so called from its position "ante amnem," below the confluence of the Anio and Tiber.

Tegmina tuta cavant capitum, flectuntque salignas
Umbonum cratis; alii thoracas aenos

Aut levis ocreas lento ducunt argento;
Vomeris huc et falcis honos, huc omnis aratri
Cessit amor; recoquunt patrios fornacibus enses.
Classica iamque sonant; it bello tessera signum.
Hic galeam tectis trepidus rapit; ille frementis
Ad iuga cogit equos; clipeumque auroque trilicem

632.] The alliteration, which was doubtless intended, may remind us of Lucr. 2. 618, "Tympana tenta tonant palmis et cymbala circum Concava." Tegmina capitum' vv. 689, 742 below.

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633.] The framework of the shield was made of twisted osiers, which were covered with hides and finally bound round with metal (Dict. A. Clipeus'). Hence iréa is used for a shield Eur. Supp. 697, Tro. 1201. We may say either that "umbo" is put for the whole shield, or that 'cratis umbonum' is the wickerwork to which the boss was fitted. Lersch. § 31 comp. Caes. B. G. 2. 33 "partim scutis ex cortice factis aut viminibus intextis, quæ subito, ut temporis exiguitas postulabat, pellibus induxerant," arguing that it was the "scutum," not the "clipeus," that was so constructed. Others comp. the Persian yéppov, Hdt. 7. 61, of which crates' may be a translation. "Crateras aenos 9. 165.

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634.] It matters little whether 'lento argento' be taken with 'ocreas' as a material abl. or with 'ducunt.' The former would be more symmetrical: but the latter is more in accordance with Virg.'s love of variety, as if "ducunt thoracas aere" had preceded, and is supported by Pliny 7. 37, "[Alexander] edixit ne quis ipsum alius quam Lysippus ex aere duceret;" Appul. Flor. 1, "qui solus effigiem regis Polycletus aere duceret," quoted by Forb. Ducere' in these cases is to extend by beating, and answers nearly to our sense of ἐλαύνειν, as "ducere murum (1. 423) does to another. The spondaic metre expresses the slowness of the process. Forb. asserts that ocreas is to be pronounced as a dissyllable, being apparently misled by one or two of the early writers on metre, who quote this line as one which would be purely spondaic if 'ocreas' were so pronounced or changed e. g. into "lamnas" (see Marius Plotius De Metris pp. 247, 251 of Gaisford's Scriptt. Latt. Rei Metr., Diomedes p. 495). Serv.'s remark "est autem spondaicus et

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635

reciprocus versus" ("reciprocus" rhyming, alluding to "lento-argento ") only means that there is a spondee in the 5th place. "Leves ocreas 8. 624, where the metal is gold and electrum: comp. 11. 488.

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635.] Huc cessit:' the esteem in which agriculture was held is swallowed up in the enthusiasm for war. They cease to make agricultural implements, and perhaps, though this is not expressly stated, turn them into warlike weapons, as in G. 1. 508, where the imagery is generally parallel (comp. especially v. 506, "non ullus aratro Dignus honos"). With 'huc cessit,' which implies that one feeling has passed into the other, comp. 8. 395, "fiducia cessit Quo tibi, diva, mei ?" Virg. seems generally to have had in his mind the description in Lucr. 5 of the gradual discovery of the use of metals, "Nunc iacet aes, aurum in summum successit honorem" (v. 1275: comp. the following lines, where honore' occurs twice), "Inde minutatim processit ferreus ensis Versaque in opprobrium species est falcis aenae" (vv. 1293, 4, quoted as parallel by Macrob. Sat. 6. 1).

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636.] Recoquunt ensis' like " diffingas ferrum" Hor. 1 Od. 35. 39, quoted on v. 630 above.

637.] Iamque' second in a clause 3. 588., 5. 225. "Classica" G. 2. 539, here used in its strict sense of the sound of the horn which called the Romans together to battle or other assemblies. Tessera,' Dict. A. s. v., originally a cube used as a token or tally, hence, as here, a watchword, which passes, 'it,' from man to man. The preparations are over, and the actual march begins.

638.] Tectis' from his house, from the chamber where it is stored.

639.] Cogit:' brings together, implying that a pair are to be yoked. The more ordinary expression would be "sub iuga cogit," as in Moretum 113. Stat. Theb. 7. 136 (quoted by Forb.) has "alienaque cogunt Ad iuga cornipedes," an imitation which shows that ad iuga' here does not

Loricam induitur, fidoque accingitur ense.

Pandite nunc Helicona, deae, cantusque movete, Qui bello exciti reges, quae quemque secutae Conplerint campos acies, quibus Itala iam tum Floruerit terra alma viris, quibus arserit armis; Et meministis enim, divae, et memorare potestis; Ad nos vix tenuis famae perlabitur aura.

Primus init bellum Tyrrhenis asper ab oris Contemptor divom Mezentius agminaque armat.

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go with 'frementis,' like "fremit ad caulas" 9. 60. Auro trilicem Loricam:" see on 3. 467.

640.] "Fidum ensem" 6. 524. 641-646.] 'Sing, Muses, of the Italian chiefs and their followers.'

641.] This invocation is of course from that in II. 2. 484 foll., preceding the catalogue of the ships. It is generally briefer than its prototype; but the subject to be narrated is indicated at greater length. The notion is that an account involving much statistical detail requires the special aid of the goddesses of memory and song. 'Pandite Helicona' like "panditur domus Olympi" 10. 1, as if the gates of Helicon held in song. Wagn. well comp. Bacchylides, fr. 14 Bergk, ovde yàp pậσтoν å3рhтwν ¿néwv múλas ¿ževpeiv. The notion is probably a complex one, of free utterance and of expounding things unknown. The former is the image in Pind. O. 6. 45, which Wagn. thinks inapplicable, xph τοίνυν πύλας ὕμνων ἀναπιτνάμεν αὐταῖς : comp. the opening of Whytehead's Cambridge Installation Ode, "Fling the gates of music wide, Hold back no more the rush of song." 'Movete' like "moveo v. 45, whether in any way connected with the preceding image is not clear. There is a plausible variant 'monete' in fragm. Vat. and Gud., recognized also by Serv.: comp. v. 41. Wagn. rightly rejects it, but is perhaps too scrupulous when he questions its Latinity. Heins. conj. "cantuque monete," which is actually found in Canon.

642.] Exciti,' the long penult. as in 3. 676., 10. 38: comp. v. 623 above. 'Bello,' prob. dat., as in v. 482 &c. Comp. generally vv. 37 foll. above.

643.] Iam tum,' even then, before the great historical period of Rome. Tantum' was a reading before Pierius.

644.] Comp. G. 2. 167 foll. of the nations and families of Italy. 'Alma' 'i.c "parens." "Quibus arserit armis' expresses

.q.

640

645

generally what is expressed more in detail in the two previous lines, 'arma' being the Virgilian accompaniment to 'viri,' as in the first line of the Aeneid and elsewhere. 'Arserit' probably includes both martial enthusiasm and the flashing of armour.

645.] ὑμεῖς γὰρ θεαί ἐστε, πάρεστέ τε, lore Te návтa II. 1. c. Virg. has chosen two verbs which suggest the connexion of memory with the Muses: see on v. 45, E. 7. 19.

646.] ἡμεῖς δὲ κλέος οἷον ἀκούομεν, οὐδέ τι ἴδμεν 11. 1. c.

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647-654.] Mezentius and his son Lausus lead an army from Agyllae in Etruria.'

647.] Init bellum,' begins the war. "Prima pares ineunt gravibus certamina remis " 5. 114. 'Tyrrhenis ab oris:" "oriundo Tuscus, non qui nunc de Tuscia venit, quem antea pulsum a civibus constat,' Serv. This is possible enough (comp. G. 3. 2, " Pastor ab Amphryso”): but even if the words are constructed with

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init,' they need not be pressed to mean that Mezentius came direct from Etruria. The name of Mezentius comes from the early legends, though his part in the story was differently represented by different persons, some making him kill Aeneas in a battle subsequent to the Trojan settlement in Latium. See Heyne, Excursus on Book 8, Lewis 1, p. 338. So, according to another account, Lausus was killed later by Ascanius (Dict. M. s. v.). Serv. remarks on the whole catalogue that Virg. mentions some whom he does not name afterwards in his narrative, while some who are named afterwards are not mentioned here, which he calls "poetae affectatio, nam amblysiam" (apparently some word connected with ἀμβλυώσσειν: Casaubon conj. "ablepsiam") "nefas est dicere." 648.] Contemptorque deum Mezentius" 8. 7. 'Armat,' arrays, much as

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Filius huic iuxta Lausus, quo pulchrior alter
Non fuit, excepto Laurentis corpore Turni.
Lausus, equum domitor debellatorque ferarum,
Ducit Agyllina nequiquam ex urbe secutos
Mille viros, dignus, patriis qui laetior esset
Inperiis, et cui pater haud Mezentius esset.

650

655

Post hos insignem palma per gramina currum Victoresque ostentat equos satus Hercule pulchro Pulcher Aventinus, clipeoque insigne paternum Centum anguis cinctamque gerit serpentibus Hydram;

Owphorew is used in Hom., Il. 2. 11, 83., 16. 155. There was a legend that Mezentius claimed for himself the first-fruits due to the gods, Cato ap. Macrob. Sat. 3. 5. 649.] Iuxta' adverbial. Med. (first reading) and one or two others have hunc iuxta,' which is supported by an erasure in Rom. 66 Quo iustior alter Nec pietate fuit nec bello maior et armis " 1. 544.

650.] Corpore Turni,' periphrastic, but intended to enforce the notion of personal beauty. Comp. 2. 18 note. It matters little whether we make this and the preceding line a complete sentence, as is generally done, or with Ribbeck carry on the sense to what follows. Virg. is evidently thinking of the lines about Nireus, Il. 2. 672 foll.

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653.] It may be doubted whether these thousand men are the same as the "agmina" in v. 648, or whether the words there refer to other musters raised by Mezentius. (comp. 8.7). There seems nothing to determine the precise sense of patriis inperiis.' Serv. supposes it to be that Lausus was worthy to have had as father a monarch, not an exile, in other words, worthy to have had a throne in prospect. Heyne understands it simply "dignus qui meliore patre gauderet," adding "ad patrem declarandum inperia non minus valent quam in filio obsequium." It might also mean that Lausus was worthy to have fought under a commander more accept VOL. III.

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able to the gods: comp. 11. 347 (of Turnus), "Cuius ob auspicium infaustum .. Lumiua tot cecidisse ducum." 654.] Haud' is used loosely for " Hand, Turs. 3. p. 13, wishes to connect haud Mezentius,' as we might say a nonMezentius," which seems most unlikely. Pal. reads 'Medientius,' which Ribbeck adopts, a form also found in Non. p. 272, where 10. 762 is quoted: but though the form is doubtless a legitimate one, 'di' and 'z' being frequently interchanged in pronunciation (see Corssen, Ueber Aussprache &c. der Lateinischen Sprache, vol. 1. pp. 215 foll. ed. 2), it does not seem likely that Virg. should have used the two indifferently. The recurrence of 'esset' is inartificial.

655-669.] ‘Aventinus, son of Hercules, joins them with a force.'

655.]. Serv. speaks of an Aventinus, king of the Aborigines, who was killed and buried on the Aventine. The name alsɔ appears, as he says, in the list of Alban kings. Virg. seems to have invented the account he gives of this person. Heyne remarks that the victorious chariot is Homeric, and not altogether consistent with the lion's skin, which belongs to a different state of society. See on vv. 664, 666. Palma,' gained in some race like that in Il. 23. Per gramina :' "tu currum deserto in gramine versas 12. 664.

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656.] Serv. explains pulchro' by "forti," which some inferior MSS. actually give: but Heyne rightly remarks that the ancient representations of Hercules (e. g. the Farnese torso) bear out Virg.'s epithet.

657.] "Clipei insigne decorum" 2.392: comp. 10. 188.

658.] Centum-Hydram,' &v dià dvoîv rather awkwardly expressed, as it would seem at first sight that the 'angues' and the serpentes' were different. Virg., as

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Collis Aventini silva quem Rhea sacerdos.
Furtivum partu sub luminis edidit oras,
Mixta deo mulier, postquam Laurentia victor
Geryone exstincto Tirynthius attigit arva,
Tyrrhenoque boves in flumine lavit Hiberas.
Pila manu saevosque gerunt in bella dolones,
Et tereti pugnant mucrone veruque

Cerda and others have remarked, imitates
Eur. Phoen. 1134 foll.:

ταῖς δ ̓ ἑβδόμαις ̓́Αδραστος ἐν πύλαισιν ἦν,
ἑκατὸν ἐχίδναις ἀσπίδ ̓ ἐκπληρῶν γραφῇ,
ὕδρας ἔχων λαιοῖσιν ἐν βραχίοσιν
Αργεῖον αὔχημ'.

659.] The name Rhea seems to be borrowed from the story of Romulus : though Prof. Seeley (Livy p. 29), thinks that Virg. is here actually thinking of Rhea Silvia the Vestal, and that this story of Aventinus is virtually the original legend of Romulus, who was confounded with Aventinus after the Aventine was included in Rome. The first syllable is made short by other poets: but Virg. doubtless followed the analogy of the Greek, where the goddess is called indifferently 'Peía and 'Péa. This seems to show that Niebuhr (Hist. vol. 1. p. 211 Eng. Tr.) is wrong in laying the blame of the confusion between the goddess and the priestess on the editors of Latin texts, as if the Romans invariably wrote the name of the priestess 'Rea.' Here Gud. originally had Rea,' and the latter 'h' is written in Rom. over an erasure. Νοι does it appear likely, as Niebuhr conjectures, that Virg.'s Rhea was the daughter of Evander, as Aventinus fights against Evander and the Trojans. The name "Silvia " may have suggested to Virg. the birth of the child in the woods: comp. 6.765. Other warriors however are born or bred in woods, as Virbius, below v. 763, and the son of Arcens, 9. 584.

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660.] Furtivo,' the reading of some inferior MSS., may have come from the original reading of Pal. furtivom.' 'Partu edidit' like "partu dabit " 1. 274. Lu minis oras G. 2. 47 note, Munro on Lucr. 1. 22.

661.] Mixta deo mulier' from Il. 16. 176, γυνὴ θεῷ εὐνηθεῖσα, with a reference to the Greek use of μyvai. For Hercules' visit to Italy comp. 8. 201 foll., and see Lewis vol. 1. pp. 288 foll.

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662.] Tirynthius' of Hercules 8. 228. Hercules was said by some to have been

Sabello.

660

665

born at Tiryns, and by others to have lived there while he served Eurystheus (Dict. M. s. v.).

663.] "Versus poeticum ornatum habet commode ab eo petitum quod in armentorum cura proprium est lavare gregem. pro et armenta ex Hispania adduxit,' Heyne. Serv. remarks on the two epithets "admiratio, locorum longinquitate."

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664.] Heyne rightly remarks that the transition here is abrupt, as we should have expected to hear definitely that these are the soldiers commanded by Aventinus. We are not even told whence they came, unless we are to infer it, as Gossrau thinks, from the epithet 'Sabello.' Mount Aventine, where Aventinus was born, was within Evander's territory, 8. 190 foll. Altogether the passage may be said to show the want of the poet's final revision.

Pilum' (Dict. A. v. Hasta '), the wellknown Roman javelin. Dolo' is explained by Serv. to mean either a swordstick or a pole with a short iron point. The latter explanation he gives on the authority of Varro; the former is supported by Hesych., dóλwves ¿ipídia èv žúλOIS ἀποκεκρυμμένα; by Alfenus Dig. 9. 2. 52, cited by Forc.; and by the supposed etymology of the word from dóλos. Here at any rate we must suppose the latter to be meant. If the word is originally Latin, it would seem to be connected with "dolare." "In bella' may either go with 'saevos' or with 'gerunt:' comp. G. 3. 50.

665.] Tereti,' with a round shaft: "hastili abiegno et cetera tereti praeterquam ad extremum," Livy 21. 8 of the phalarica.Comp. "teretes aclydes " v. 730 below. Tereti mucrone veruque Sabello' may be ev dià dvoîv, as Heyne suggests: for the veru' or 'verutum' seems to have answered the purpose of a sword, not a spear: Livy 1. 43, (quartae classi) "nihil praeter hastam et verutum datum.” For the 'veru,' "verutum," or σaúviov, sce Dict. A. Hasta.' It was a Samnite weapon, which is probably the meaning of the epithet 'Sabello.' In G. 2. 168 the Volsci are called "veruti," so that the weapon

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