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The fortunes of the Rutulians, which had risen with the successes of Turnus related in the ninth and tenth books, had already begun to wane with the deaths of Lausus and Mezentius. The eleventh book contains the gradual preparation for the catastrophe. Though Virgil has taken hints from the later books of the Iliad, his development of the story is here both original and interesting. After the battles of the tenth book the last rites are paid to the dead on both sides; but even the mourning of Evander for Pallas does not seriously lower the key of triumph in which the description of his funeral is conceived, while the wailing of the Latins is unrelieved by any bright memories or anticipations. Nothing, it may be remarked, is said about the burial of Lausus, nor even about that of Mezentius : to whom it may be supposed that Aeneas had not refused his last request (10. 904). The mourning of the Latins is immediately succeeded by the return of the unsuccessful envoys from Diomed. Here Virgil has skilfully seized the opportunity of deserting Homer, and exaggerating, through the mouth of Diomed, the Trojan fame and exploits of Aeneas, at the same time that his narrative gains by the introduction of a fresh cause for the depression of the Latins, and the raising of hopes in that party among them which opposed Turnus. The idea of the council was probably in part suggested to Virgil by the narrative of the eighteenth Iliad : and as there the opposition of Polydamas throws the responsibility of continuing the war outside the walls upon Hector, so here the invective of Drances (who is more or less the leader of a party), following upon the pacific proposals of the king, brings out the determined will of Turnus as the only real stay left to the Rutulian cause. As far as the mechanism of the story goes, it may be said that Turnus plays the part both of Paris and Hector of the lover and the warrior, though their moral position is the reverse of his. Virgil has, however, done something to mitigate this anomaly, and with it the odium of Aeneas' attitude, by representing Latiuus as acknowledging the evident signs of the divine will, and recommending a policy of concession. He has also indicated more prominently than before a turbid element in the character of the Rutulian hero, which to a certain extent diminishes our sympathy with his resistance. The word 'violentia,' applied to Turnus in the eleventh and twelfth books, is applied to no one else in Virgil.
The sudden breaking-up of the council under pressure of a Trojan attack gives Turnus what he desires. In the combats which ensue, the successes of the virgin Camilla (whose figure is a bright relief to the tedium of the Virgilian battle) sustain the Rutulian cause till she falls. The idea of introducing a virgin warrior was doubtless suggested to Virgil by the part played by Penthesilea in the Epic cycle. Camilla's åploteía may be considered as the counterpart to that of Mezentius in the previous book. Though the Iliad had, in Sarpedon, supplied Virgil with the conception of a hero graced with a special divine favour, yet doomed to fall, we must no less admire the freshness and originality with which he has, in this instance, filled up the outline. Virgil doubtless drew upon some Italian legend now lost: it may be, as Heyne suggests in his Excursus to this book, that there was a tomb of Camilla among the Volsci, around which her story was kept alive.
OCEANUM interea surgens Aurora reliquit :
1–28.] Next morning Aeneas sets up fessed that there is nothing in the context a trophy to Mars in honour of his victory here or in the conclusion of the preceding over Mezentius, and addresses his com- book to suggest it. The only alternative rades, bidding them prepare for marching would be to extend the word to the whole to Latium, and meantime bury their dead work of death in which Aeneas had been and send Pallas home.'
engaged on the preceding day, his first 1.] Repeated from 4. 129. Here the day of fighting ; but to represent this as MSS. seem all to agree in the past tense. having confused and disturbed the conVirg., as Heyne remarks, leaves us to infer queror's mind would have been more in that the Rutulians filed after Mezentius' keeping with modern than with heroic or death, and that night closed the combat. even Virgilian feeling.
Interea’ then will refer not to the end of 4.] Vota deum' is a kind of possessive Book 10, but to the time subsequent to it, (Madv. § 280, obs. 5), the things vowed to which Virg. has omitted to mention. See the gods belonging to them, so that the on 10.1.
payment of the vow is the payment of a 2.] It is not easy to say whether dare' debt. “Primo Eoo" 3. 588. is constructed with curae' or with 'prae- 5.] This is a locus classicus about the cipitant. Probably Virg. trusted that a construction of a trophy. Stat. Theb. 2. recollection of the ordinary construction of 704 foll. has imitated it. The trunk of a
cura' with an inf., as in G. 1. 52, would tree is apparently intended to represent soften any harshness that might be felt the body of the conquered foe: comp. in connecting .dare' with 'praecipitant. below vv. 16, 173. An oak is chosen, as in • Praecipitant' is apparently intransitive, Stat. 1. c.; oaks being used for hanging • dare' being in effect a kind of cogn. acc. spoils upon when there is no question of If the text of Virg. had been as much a trophy, 10. 423, Lucan 1. 136 foll. vexed by conjectures as that of other Lersch § 49 fancies it is selected as sacred authors, praecipiunt' would doubtless to Jove, the “spolia opima” being given have been suggested. But 'praecipitant' to Iuppiter Feretrius : but the offering is is confirmed by an imitation in Stat. Theb. here to Mars, as he himself admits, and 1. 679, “ Sed si praecipitant miserum cog. there is no reason to suppose any direct noscere curae," and gives a more forcible reference to “spolia opima,” which could sense. Some have fancied that in Plaut. not be won from Mezentius, as he was not Trin. 2. 2. 17 " praecipito " is used as a the real leader of the enemy (see however frequentative of “praecipio," and Val. F. on 10. 449). With decisis undique ramis' 2. 390, “ Tunc Argum Tiphynque vocat, comp. “caesis lacer undique membris pelagoque parari Praecipitat,” seems almost Truncus” Lucr. 3. 403. to have been influenced by a similar no. 6.] Serv. says trophies were always tion. For 'etque' see Madv. § 435 a. erected on eminences, quoting Sall. Hist. obs. 1, where it is said to be only found as 4. 29 (Dietsch), “ Pompeius devictis (de a loose way of connecting propositions. victis," Dietsch) Hispanis tropaea in PyreSome MSS. omit "et,' and Ribbeck naeis iugis constituit;" a statement which strangely conjectures 'ei' or 'hei,' Rom. proves nothing. Stat. however speaks of having et' for hei' below v. 57. With an old oak standing on a mound in the
dare tempus' comp. Or. 2 Pont. 9. 50, middle of the field. “ Mitibus aut studiis tempora plura 7.] · Ducis' may be meant to suggest dedit.”
the notion of something analogous to 3.] Funere' is probably the death of “spolia opima,” though, as was just rePallas, as the commentators take it from marked, these were not really such. Serv, downwards, though it must be con 8.] In Stat. I. c. the trophy is to Mi.
Telaque trunca viri et bis sex thoraca petitum
nerva, who is also called “bellipotens.” ing is not, these are the first-fruits from Here of course Mars is meant. The epi. the king, as if there were more to come, thet is found in Enn. A. 6, fr. 8, where it but these first-fruits of the war are from is applied to the Aeacidae. Rorantis san. the king. Macrob. S. 3. 5 says that Virg. guine’8. 645., 12. 512. Rom. has' roranti.' alludes to the story (told by Cato in
9.] *Tela’ are probably the spears flung Book 1 of his “ Origines") that Mezentius by Mezentius at Aeneas (10. 882 foll.) and compelled his subjects to offer to him the broken on the shield. Stat. I. c. talks of first-fruits due to the gods. “truncos ictibus ensis." Bis sex :' Serv. 16.] Mezentius is identified with the has an extraordinary fancy that these trophy, as was remarked above on vv. 5, wounds were given to Mezentius by the 10. Virg. may have thought of Aesch. representatives of the twelve “populi” of Ag. 1404 foll. Mantua (10. 202), asserting that it was
ούτός έστιν 'Αγαμέμνων, εμος customary for all the army to stab a slain
πόσις, νεκρός δε τήσδε δεξιάς χερός, enemy, and referring to the stabbing of the dead Hector by the Greeks. The real
prov dualas TéKTOVOS. Tá *8° éxel. reference of course is to the wounds re- Manibus meis hic est' is equivalent to ceived by Mezentius during the battle, as “manibus meis in tropaeum conversus hinted at in such passages as 10. 691 foll. est.” Comp. 2. 192, “Sin manibus ves. • Petitum,' aimed at or struck, like “ Malo tris vestram ascendisset in urbem.” me Galatea petit” E. 3. 64.
17.] “Hac iter Elysium nobis ” 6. 542. 10.) Ex aere' i. q. “aereum,” 5. 266. We have now to march against the city, * Sinistrae,' like 'collo' below, carries out having repelled the attack on our camp. the identification of the trunk with the 18.] Burm., following a suggestion of dead warrior.
Serv., connected "animis' with what fol. 11.] •Collo :' the sword-belt is passed lows : and so Heyne. But 'arma parate over the shoulder: see on 8. 459. We animis' seems to be i. q. “arma parate have had a sword with an ivory sheath, 9. animose," like “ibo animis contra ” v. 438 305; but here the hilt seems to be meant. below : unless we prefer to take it as =
12.] Tegebat' seems to mean little ‘be ready armed in spirit,' like “animos more than "cingebat,” as we can hardly aptent armis” 10, 259 note. “Stamus suppose that there was any fear of attack animis, et ... speramus etiam manu" Cic. from the enemy. Comp. Stat. 5 Silv. 1. 25, Att, 5. 18. “Spe iam praecipit hostem” "omnis pariter matertera vatem, Omnis v. 491 below. Apollineus tegeret Bacchique sacerdos." 19.] •Ignaros,' taken by surprise. Not unlike is the phrase “ tegere latus.” “Vellere signa” G. 4. 108. The plucking 13.7 Sic' with incipiens.
up of the standard was an important 14. Heyne comp. II. 22. 393, npduela matter with the Romans, being performed μέγα κύδος επέφνομεν “Έκτορα δίν. after taking the auguries : and if the
15.] The language is like that of the standard was not removed easily, the pro. inscription in 3. 288, “Aeneas haec de spects of the expedition were supposed to Danais victoribus arma.” De rege su- be unfavourable. Heins. read 'avellere,' perbo’ is of course from Mezentius, not, as which seems to have no authority beyond Sery. thought, from Turnus. The mean. the first Aldine edition.
Adnuerint superi pubemque educere castris,
Sic ait inlacrimans recipitque ad limina gressum,
20.] · Adnuere' with inf., as below v. to be our country.' Sanguine peperere 796 with “ut" and subj.
like “quaesitas sanguine dotes” 7. 423. 21.] •Segnis sententia,' cowardly pur “ Decoret sepulchro” 9. 215 note. 'Supose, much as opoveîv is used in Greek, premis muneribus' like “supremum hoincluding feeling as well as deliberate re
vv. 61, 76 below : comp. 6. 213. solve. “Talibus incensa est iuvenum sen 27.] Quem non virtutis egentem:' tentia dictis ” 12. 238. It matters little “Ennii versus est. • Egentem’ sane nos whether ‘metu' be connected with ‘segnis' ablativo iungimus," Serv. Comp. oùdé cí or with tardet. For 've' Med. cor φημι 'Αλκης δενήσεσθαι, Ι. 13. 785. rected, Pal., Gud., and two other of Rib. 28.] Repeated from 6. 429 (note). beck's cursives, with Canon., read 'que,' 29–58.] · Aeneas joins the mourners which may be right. Gud. and Canon. also over Pallas, and addresses the dead, reread ‘segnes,' and so many editions: but proaching himself and his fortune, and the nom. is better. Another reading (found compassionating Evander.' in none of Ribbeck's MSS.) is 'segni.' 29.] • Recipere se’ is a common phrase
22.] 'Socios inhumataque corpora' &v for returning or retiring : see Forc. Li. δια δυοϊν.
mina' is the tent-door, and is doubt. 23.] Td ydp yếpas doti davortwv Il. 16. less meant to be taken strictly, as it was 457. Virg. probably intends more than the custom to lay out dead bodies in Hom., meaning that sepulchral honours the vestibule, not only in the heroic are the only honours recognized below. ages (Il. 19. 212, Keitai àvà impóoupov Pal. and Rom. omitest.'
τετραμμένος: αμφί δ' εταίροι Μύρονται), 24.] “ Vitiose in media oratione 'ait' but at Rome. Comp. Pers. 3. 105, “ In positum critici notant," Serv. Heyne portam rigidos calces extendit,” Sen. Ep. thinks these critics must have been “satis 12, “Quis est, inquam, iste decrepitus indocti :” Peerlkamp however wishes to et merito ad ostium admotus ? ... quid te read “ Ite agite." "Jahn comp. 3. 480, delectavit alienum mortuum tollere ?" where 'ait’is similarly introduced towards Wagn. Q. V. 40 speaks of this passage the end of a speech. Here he supposes it as one which Virg. would probably have to denote that Aeneas makes a pause and corrected, as it is incredible that Aeneas resumes his address. Perhaps we had should be now returning to his tent for better say that after giving general in the first time. But there is nothing here junctions in the earlier part of his speech, to indicate that this was his first visit to he here issues a special order, turning, as his tent or to the body. He may have Burm. suggests, to particular persons. passed the night in his tent, while Acoetes For 'quae' the MSS. of Macrob. S. 4. 4, was watching over the body in the vestiwhere the words are quoted, read 'qui,' bule ; after which he would rise early, which some critics wish to restore: but sacrifice, and address his men: and then, Wagn. rightly remarks that the change is returning to his tent, he would find the accounted for by the fact that the quota mourners assembled and the lamentations tion does not include egregias animas.' begun.
25.]. “Qui sibi letum Insontes peperere 30.] “Positum corpus” 2. 644. Rom. manu » 6. 434. • Patriam' seems to be has .exanimis,' the last letter, however, in used proleptically—'who have won us this an erasure; Med. exanime,' which is un.
Servabat senior, qui Parrhasio Euandro
intelligible. Some MSS. mentioned by
37.] “ Tunsae pectora palmis” 1. 481. Pierius give exanimum.'
38.) Peerlkamp rather ingeniously conj. 31.] 'Servabat:' persons were hired at 'misto,' to avoid the repetition : but such Rome to watch the body. Lersch § 86 things are sufficiently common in Virg. cites Appuleius Met. 2, p. 39 Bipont. " si "Mugire" and its compounds are generally qui mortuum servare vellet, de pretio used of deeper and hoarser sounds than liceretur.” * Parrhasio Euandro' the those of human lamentation. • InmuGreek rhythm, as in l. 617 " Dardanio giit’ is found in Med. and Pal. (both Anchisae" &c. •Parrhasio '8. 344. The corrected) and in Gud. (originally): a proof object of the epithet here may be to call of the untrustworthiness of MS. authority back the mind to Evander's early life, as on such questions as that discussed in the we should say 'in his Arcadian days.' excursus to G. 2. 81 (2nd ed.).
32.] So Butes, 9. 648, after having been 39.] “Fultum,' resting on the couch. the armour-bearer of Anchises, is made the Caput et ora' semi-pleonastically, like *comes' of Ascanius. Comp. also Epytides conspectum genitoris et ora" 6. 109. 5. 546.
40.] " Levi,' pulchro, puerili, nondum 33.] ‘Alumno’ is said of Pallas in re. saetoso,” Serv. Peerlkamp tastelessly conj. lation to Acoetes, not to Evander. “Custos “ laevo," as if Pallas had been pierced to famulusque dei Silenus alumni " Hor, A. the heart. P. 239. ‘Datus,' by Evander. Comitem 41.] • Volnus cuspidis Ausoniae' like Ascanio pater addidit” 9. I. c. “Alumno' “ volnere Ulixi” 2. 436, “ Dardaniae is doubtless constructed with datus,' not cuspidis ictum” 7.755. One of Ribbeck's with comes ibat,’ in spite of such passages cursives, perhaps supported by Gud., has as 6. 158, 447. *Ibat’may have a military 'fatus,' doubtless to get rid of the repereference, ‘was marching,' or it may be tition.fatur'—'inquit.' Serv. however used generally.
notices the repetition, for which see on 5. 34.] Circum: comp. Il. 19. 212, cited 551, and comp. v. 24 above (note). Laon v. 29. Famulum' for “famulorum” crimis' &c.: comp. Il. 18. 235, Adkpva is found in Val. Fl. and Stat. : see Forc. θερμά χέων, επεί είσιδε πιστόν εταίρων
35.) Nearly repeated from 3.65. Mae. Keipevov ev péptpą, dedaïquévov oški stum' in our technical sense of mourning Xanką (of Achilles). ib. 64. It has been questioned whether 42.] · Miserande puer' 6. 882., 10. 825. this mention of the Trojan women is con- Laeta veniret' like "veni non asper" sistent with 9. 217, where we are told that 8. 365. Forb. understands 'cum Euryalus' mother is the only matron who quanquam;" but this seems needless. did not remain behind in Sicily. But the The meaning is that fortune in the moment chiefs would have their wives with them, of victory grudged that Pallas should share though the widowed matrons might re- the triumph. main behind. Serv. thinks these are 43.] With'te invidit mihi’ Serv. comp. Aeneas' female slaves.
E. 7.58, “Liber pampineas invidit collibus 36.] “Portis sese extulit ingens” 12.441. umbras." In v. 269 below we have “invi.