P. VERGILI MARONIS AENEIDOS LIBER UNDECIMUS. THE fortunes of the Rutulians, which had risen with the successes of Turnus related in the ninth and tenth books, had already begun to wane with the deaths of Lausus and Mezentius. The eleventh book contains the gradual preparation for the catastrophe. Though Virgil has taken hints from the later books of the Iliad, his development of the story is here both original and interesting. After the battles of the tenth book the last rites are paid to the dead on both sides; but even the mourning of Evander for Pallas does not seriously lower the key of triumph in which the description of his funeral is conceived, while the wailing of the Latins is unrelieved by any bright memories or anticipations. Nothing, it may be remarked, is said about the burial of Lausus, nor even about that of Mezentius: to whom it may be supposed that Aeneas had not refused his last request (10. 904). The mourning of the Latins is immediately succeeded by the return of the unsuccessful envoys from Diomed. Here Virgil has skilfully seized the opportunity of deserting Homer, and exaggerating, through the mouth of Diomed, the Trojan fame and exploits of Aeneas, at the same time that his narrative gains by the introduction of a fresh cause for the depression of the Latins, and the raising of hopes in that party among them which opposed Turnus. The idea of the council was probably in part suggested to Virgil by the narrative of the eighteenth Iliad: and as there the opposition of Polydamas throws the responsibility of continuing the war outside the walls upon Hector, so here the invective of Drances (who is more or less the leader of a party), following upon the pacific proposals of the king, brings out the determined will of Turnus as the only real stay left to the Rutulian cause. As far as the mechanism of the story goes, it may be said that Turnus plays the part both of Paris and Hector-of the lover and the warrior, though their moral position is the reverse of his. Virgil has, however, done something to mitigate this anomaly, and with it the odium of Aeneas' attitude, by representing Latinus as acknowledging the evident signs of the divine will, and recommending a policy of concession. He has also indicated more prominently than before a turbid element in the character of the Rutulian hero, which to a certain extent diminishes our sympathy with his resistance. The word 'violentia,' applied to Turnus in the eleventh and twelfth books, is applied to no one else in Virgil. The sudden breaking-up of the council under pressure of a Trojan attack gives Turnus what he desires. In the combats which ensue, the successes of the virgin Camilla (whose figure is a bright relief to the tedium of the Virgilian battle) sustain the Rutulian cause till she falls. The idea of introducing a virgin warrior was doubtless suggested to Virgil by the part played by Penthesilea in the Epic cycle. Camilla's apioreía may be considered as the counterpart to that of Mezentius in the previous book. Though the Iliad had, in Sarpedon, supplied Virgil with the conception of a hero graced with a special divine favour, yet doomed to fall, we must no less admire the freshness and originality with which he has, in this instance, filled up the outline. Virgil doubtless drew upon some Italian legend now lost: it may be, as Heyne suggests in his Excursus to this book, that there was a tomb of Camilla among the Volsci, around which her story was kept alive. OCEANUM interea surgens Aurora reliquit : 1-28.] Next morning Aeneas sets up a trophy to Mars in honour of his victory over Mezentius, and addresses his comrades, bidding them prepare for marching to Latium, and meantime bury their dead and send Pallas home.' 1.] Repeated from 4. 129. Here the MSS. seem all to agree in the past tense. Virg., as Heyne remarks, leaves us to infer that the Rutulians fled after Mezentius' death, and that night closed the combat. 'Interea' then will refer not to the end of Book 10, but to the time subsequent to it, which Virg. has omitted to mention. See on 10. 1. 2.] It is not easy to say whether 'dare' is constructed with 'curae' or with 'praecipitant.' Probably Virg. trusted that a recollection of the ordinary construction of 'cura' with an inf., as in G. 1. 52, would soften any harshness that might be felt in connecting 'dare' with 'praecipitant.' Praecipitant' is apparently intransitive, 'dare' being in effect a kind of cogn. acc. If the text of Virg. had been as much vexed by conjectures as that of other authors, praecipiunt' would doubtless have been suggested. But praecipitant' is confirmed by an imitation in Stat. Theb. 1. 679, "Sed si praecipitant miserum cognoscere curae," and gives a more forcible sense. Some have fancied that in Plaut. Trin. 2. 2. 17 "praccipito" is used as a frequentative of "praecipio," and Val. F. 2. 390, "Tunc Argum Tiphynque vocat, pelagoque parari Praecipitat," seems almost to have been influenced by a similar notion. For 'et-que' see Madv. § 435 a. obs. 1, where it is said to be only found as a loose way of connecting propositions. Some MSS. omit et,' and Ribbeck strangely conjectures 'ei' or 'hei,' Rom. having et' for 'hei' below v. 57. With 'dare tempus' comp. Ov. 2 Pont. 9. 50, "Mitibus aut studiis tempora plura dedit." 3.] Funere' is probably the death of Pallas, as the commentators take it from Serv. downwards, though it must be con 5 fessed that there is nothing in the context here or in the conclusion of the preceding book to suggest it. The only alternative would be to extend the word to the whole work of death in which Aeneas had been engaged on the preceding day, his first day of fighting; but to represent this as having confused and disturbed the conqueror's mind would have been more in keeping with modern than with heroic or even Virgilian feeling. 4.]Vota deum' is a kind of possessive (Madv. § 280, obs. 5), the things vowed to the gods belonging to them, so that the payment of the vow is the payment of a debt. "Primo Eoo" 3. 588. 5.] This is a locus classicus about the construction of a trophy. Stat. Theb. 2. 704 foll. has imitated it. The trunk of a tree is apparently intended to represent the body of the conquered foe: comp. below vv. 16, 173. An oak is chosen, as in Stat. 1. c.; oaks being used for hanging spoils upon when there is no question of a trophy, 10. 423, Lucan 1. 136 foll. Lersch § 49 fancies it is selected as sacred to Jove, the "spolia opima" being given to Iuppiter Feretrius: but the offering is here to Mars, as he himself admits, and there is no reason to suppose any direct reference to "spolia opima," which could not be won from Mezentius, as he was not the real leader of the enemy (see however on 10. 449). With 'decisis undique ramis' comp. "caesis lacer undique membris Truncus" Lucr. 3. 403. 6.] Serv. says trophies were always erected on eminences, quoting Sall. Hist. 4. 29 (Dietsch), "Pompeius devictis_('de victis, Dietsch) Hispanis tropaea in Pyrenaeis iugis constituit;" a statement which proves nothing. Stat. however speaks of an old oak standing on a mound in the middle of the field. Telaque trunca viri et bis sex thoraca petitum nerva, who is also called "bellipotens." Here of course Mars is meant. The epithet is found in Enn. A. 6, fr. 8, where it is applied to the Aeacidae. Rorantis sanguine' 8. 645., 12.512. Rom. has roranti.' 9.] 'Tela' are probably the spears flung by Mezentius at Aeneas (10. 882 foll.) and broken on the shield. Stat. 1. c. talks of "truncos ictibus ensis." 'Bis sex:' Serv. has an extraordinary fancy that these wounds were given to Mezentius by the representatives of the twelve "populi" of Mantua (10. 202), asserting that it was customary for all the army to stab a slain enemy, and referring to the stabbing of the dead Hector by the Greeks. The real reference of course is to the wounds received by Mezentius during the battle, as hinted at in such passages as 10. 691 foll. 'Petitum,' aimed at or struck, like "Malo me Galatea petit " E. 3. 64. 10.] Ex aere' i. q. "aereum," 5. 266. 'Sinistrae,' like 'collo' below, carries out the identification of the trunk with the dead warrior. 11.] Collo' the sword-belt is passed over the shoulder: see on 8. 459. We have had a sword with an ivory sheath, 9. 305; but here the hilt seems to be meant. 12.] Tegebat' seems to mean little more than " Icingebat," as we can hardly suppose that there was any fear of attack from the enemy. Comp. Stat. 5 Silv. 1. 25, "omnis pariter matertera vatem, Omnis Apollineus tegeret Bacchique sacerdos." Not unlike is the phrase "tegere latus." 13.] Sic' with incipiens.' 14.] Heyne comp. II. 22. 393, hpάue la μέγα κύδος· ἐπέφνομεν Έκτορα δίον. 15.] The language is like that of the inscription in 3. 288, "Aeneas haec de Danais victoribus arma." 'De rege superbo' is of course from Mezentius, not, as Serv. thought, from Turnus. The mean 10 15 ing is not, these are the first-fruits from the king, as if there were more to come, but these first-fruits of the war are from the king. Macrob. S. 3. 5 says that Virg. alludes to the story (told by Cato in Book 1 of his "Origines") that Mezentius compelled his subjects to offer to him the first-fruits due to the gods. 16.] Mezentius is identified with the trophy, as was remarked above on vv. 5, 10. Virg. may have thought of Aesch. Ag. 1404 foll. οὗτός ἐστιν ̓Αγαμέμνων, ἐμὸς πόσις, νεκρὸς δὲ τῆσδε δεξιᾶς χερός, ἔργον δικαίας τέκτονος. τάδ ̓ ὧδ ̓ ἔχει. 'Manibus meis hic est' is equivalent to "manibus meis in tropaeum conversus est." Comp. 2. 192, "Sin manibus vestris vestram ascendisset in urbem." 17.] "Hac iter Elysium nobis " 6. 542. We have now to march against the city, having repelled the attack on our camp. 18.] Burm., following a suggestion of Serv., connected animis' with what follows: and so Heyne. But 'arma parate animis' seems to be i. q. "arma parate animose," like “ibo animis contra" v. 438 below: unless we prefer to take it as = 'be ready armed in spirit,' like "animos aptent armis" 10, 259 note. "Stamus animis, et... speramus etiam manu Cic. Att. 5. 18. "Spe iam praecipit hostem " v. 491 below. 19.] Ignaros,' taken by surprise. "Vellere signa" G. 4. 108. The plucking up of the standard was an important matter with the Romans, being performed after taking the auguries: and if the standard was not removed easily, the prospects of the expedition were supposed to be unfavourable. Heins. read "avellere,' which seems to have no authority beyond the first Aldine edition. Adnuerint superi pubemque educere castris, Sic ait inlacrimans recipitque ad limina gressum, 20.] Adnuere' with inf., as below v. 796 with "ut" and subj. 21.] Segnis sententia,' cowardly purpose, much as opoveîv is used in Greek, including feeling as well as deliberate resolve. "Talibus incensa est iuvenum sententia dictis" 12. 238. It matters little whether 'metu' be connected with 'segnis' or with tardet.' For 've' Med. corrected, Pal., Gud., and two other of Ribbeck's cursives, with Canon., read 'que,' which may be right. Gud. and Canon. also read 'segnes,' and so many editions: but the nom. is better. Another reading (found in none of Ribbeck's MSS.) is 'segni.' 22.] Socios inhumataque corpora' v διὰ δυοῖν. 23.] τὸ γὰρ γέρας ἐστὶ θανόντων Il. 16. 457. Virg. probably intends more than Hom., meaning that sepulchral honours are the only honours recognized below. Pal. and Rom. omitest.' 24.] "Vitiose in media oratione 'ait' positum critici notant," Serv. Heyne thinks these critics must have been "satis indocti:" Peerlkamp however wishes to read "Ite agite." Jahn comp. 3. 480, where 'ait' is similarly introduced towards the end of a speech. Here he supposes it to denote that Aeneas makes a pause and resumes his address. Perhaps we had better say that after giving general in junctions in the earlier part of his speech, he here issues a special order, turning, as Burm. suggests, to particular persons. For 'quae' the MSS. of Macrob. S. 4. 4, where the words are quoted, read 'qui,' which some critics wish to restore: but Wagn. rightly remarks that the change is accounted for by the fact that the quotation does not include 'egregias animas.' 25.] "Qui sibi letum Insontes peperere manu 6. 434. 'Patriam' seems to be used proleptically-'who have won us this to be our country.' Sanguine peperere' like "quaesitas sanguine dotes" 7. 423. "Decoret sepulchro" 9. 215 note. Supremis muneribus' like "supremum honorem vv. 61, 76 below: comp. 6. 213. دو ... 29.] Recipere se' is a common phrase for returning or retiring: see Forc. ‘Limina' is the tent-door, and is doubtless meant to be taken strictly, as it was the custom to lay out dead bodies in the vestibule, not only in the heroic ages (Il. 19. 212, Keîтαι àvà πрóluрov τετραμμένος· ἀμφὶ δ ̓ ἑταῖροι Μύρονται), but at Rome. Comp. Pers. 3. 105, " In portam rigidos calces extendit," Sen. Ep. 12, " Quis est, inquam, iste decrepitus et merito ad ostium admotus? quid te delectavit alienum mortuum tollere ?" Wagn. Q. V. 40 speaks of this passage as one which Virg. would probably have corrected, as it is incredible that Aeneas should be now returning to his tent for the first time. But there is nothing here to indicate that this was his first visit to his tent or to the body. He may have passed the night in his tent, while Acoetes was watching over the body in the vestibule; after which he would rise early, sacrifice, and address his men: and then, returning to his tent, he would find the mourners assembled and the lamentations begun. Servabat senior, qui Parrhasio Euandro Tum comes auspiciis caro datus ibat alumno. intelligible. Some MSS. mentioned by 31.] Servabat:' persons were hired at Rome to watch the body. Lersch § 86 cites Appuleius Met. 2, p. 39 Bipont. "si qui mortuum servare vellet, de pretio liceretur." Parrhasio Euandro the Greek rhythm, as in 1. 617 "Dardanio Anchisae &c. Parrhasio' 8. 344. The object of the epithet here may be to call back the mind to Evander's early life, as we should say in his Arcadian days.' 32.] So Butes, 9. 648, after having been the armour-bearer of Anchises, is made the 'comes' of Ascanius. Comp. also Epytides 5. 546. 33.] Alumno' is said of Pallas in relation to Acoetes, not to Evander. "Custos famulusque dei Silenus alumni" Hor. A. P. 239. Datus,' by Evander. "Comitem Ascanio pater addidit " 9. 1. c. 'Alumno' is doubtless constructed with datus,' not with 'comes ibat,' in spite of such passages as 6. 158, 447. 'Ibat' may have a military reference, 'was marching,' or it may be used generally. 34.] Circum' comp. II. 19. 212, cited on v. 29. Famulum' for "famulorum" is found in Val. Fl. and Stat.: see Forc. 35.] Nearly repeated from 3. 65. Maestum in our technical sense of mourning ib. 64. It has been questioned whether this mention of the Trojan women is consistent with 9. 217, where we are told that Euryalus' mother is the only matron who did not remain behind in Sicily. But the chiefs would have their wives with them, though the widowed matrons might remain behind. Serv. thinks these are Aeneas' female slaves. 35 40. 37.] "Tunsae pectora palmis" 1. 481. 38.] Peerlkamp rather ingeniously conj. misto,' to avoid the repetition: but such things are sufficiently common in Virg. "Mugire" and its compounds are generally used of deeper and hoarser sounds than those of human lamentation. Inmugiit' is found in Med. and Pal. (both corrected) and in Gud. (originally): a proof of the untrustworthiness of MS. authority on such questions as that discussed in the excursus to G. 2. 81 (2nd ed.). 39.] 'Fultum,' resting on the couch. 'Caput et ora' semi-pleonastically, like "conspectum genitoris et ora" 6. 109. 40.] "Levi,' pulchro, puerili, nondum saetoso," Serv. Peerlkamp tastelessly conj. laevo," as if Pallas had been pierced to the heart. 42.] Miserande puer' 6. 882., 10. 825. Laeta veniret' like "veni non asper' 8. 365. Forb. understands 'cum as quanquam;" but this seems needless. The meaning is that fortune in the moment of victory grudged that Pallas should share the triumph. 43.] With 'te invidit mihi' Serv. comp. E. 7. 58, "Liber pampineas invidit collibus 36.] "Portis sese extulit ingens" 12.441. umbras." In v. 269 below we have "invi |