Filius huic fato divom prolesque virilis either with reference to the actual existence of Picus as a god, or to his exist ence in history. For the possible meanings of the verb itself here see on 5. 564. Virg. seems here to treat the Italian divinities as a line of semi-divine earthly kings. For Saturn see 8. 319 foll. Ultimus auctor' like "ultima ex origine" Catull. 4. 15. 50.] Fato divom,' by the decree of the gods, fatum' being used in its primary sense. Comp. 3. 716 note. The gods decreed that Latinus should have no son, in order that Aeneas might obtain his kingdom with the hand of Lavinia. Possibly there may be a reference to some specific oracle which formed part of the legend. Filius prolesque virilis' can hardly be considered as otherwise than a pleonasm, though 'proles virilis' marks the exact point more accurately than filius.' 51.] 'Nulla fuit,' was no more, i. e. at the time when Aeneas landed. Comp. Virg. (?) Catalect. 14. 7, "sed tu nullus eris," Cic. 3 Q. Fr. ep. 4, "sed vides nullam esse rempublicam, nullum senatum, nulla judicia, nullam in ullo nostrum dignitatem," and the common comic phrase "nullus sum." Serv. says that Virg. has taken the death of Latinus' male offspring from "history," which relates that Amata had two sons, whom she killed, or, as others said, blinded, for siding with their father in promising Lavinia to Aeneas. 59.] Tecti medio' should be understood, as Heyne says, with reference to the custom of planting trees in the "impluvium" of a house, 2. 512, Hor. 3 Od. 10. 5. Penetralibus,' the "impluvium being in the centre of the house. Compared with 2. 514, it illustrates the connexion between the 'penetralia' and the "Penates." 52.] 'Servabat domum,' remained in the house, as in 6. 402, "Casta licet patrui servet Proserpina limen," with a further notion of preserving the family. Domum' perhaps refers rather to her being the hope of his family, 'tantas sedes' to her being the heir of his estate. In the imitatis," Heyne. tion by Stat. Theb. 1. 572, "Mira decore 2. 715 note. pio servabat nata penates," we are meant 213., 4. 164. also to think of worshipping the gods. 60.] Sacra comam," "frondibus intac- Quam pater inventam, primas cum conderet arces,. 61.] Primas cum conderet arces ' is equivalent to "cum primum arces (urbem) conderet." Gossrau comp. 3. 17, "Moenia prima loco." He finds the bay growing in the spot where he is going to build. 62.] 'Ipse' seems simply to add gravity to the narrative; unless we like to say that the king assumes the priestly function. 63.] For the construction Laurentis' in apposition with 'nomen' see Madv. § 246 obs. 2, who quotes Livy 1. 1, "filium cui Ascanium parentes dixere nomen.' "Mihi ponere nomen "Hor. 1 Ep. 7. 93, the Greek voμa béσeal. With 'quam' followed by ab ea' Wagn. comp. Cic. Orator 3, "species pulchritudinis.. quam intuens in eaque defixus." 65.] Comp. G. 4. 59 (of bees), "Nare per aestatem liquidam suspexeris agmen." 66.] 'Apicem' answers to arce' · summa v. 70. Per mutua' is obviously equivalent to "mutuo or "vicissim." But it is not easy to fix the exact sense of the preposition. Perhaps we may compare such usages as "per ludum," "per speciem," &c.-' in the way of reciprocity.' The expression seems to be a variation of 'mutua' used adverbially by Lucr. e. g. 5. 1100, “Mutua dum inter se rami stirpesque teruntur." 67.] Comp. generally G. 4. 61, 557. 'Subitum seems to denote the unexpect edness of the appearance, as "subitum monstrum is frequently used. Heyne remarks that this occurrence was reckoned an evil omen, Pliny 11. 17 (18). 68.] Continuo' as in v. 120 below. The prophet sees the meaning of the portent at once. 'Cernimus,' I behold, as a 65 70 seer. Comp. 6. 87 (the Sibyl), "Bella, horrida bella, Et Thybrim multo spumantem sanguine cerno.' 69.] Easdem,' the same as the bees, i. e. the arx.' Rom. has agmine:' see on 3. 614. 70.] Partibus ex isdem,' i. e. apparently from the quarter of the sea, though we have not been told explicitly whence the bees came. 'Summa dominarier arce' implies that the palace of Latinus was in the 'arx:' and the expression of course denotes complete dominion over the city. 71.] Adolet: see note on E. 8. 65. Castis' refers to the rite, as performed meetly and in order. Comp. 3. 409, “Hac casti maneant in religione nepotes." The altar was that in the centre of the house. Comp. v. 77 and 2. 512. 72.] Et' is the reading of all Ribbeck's uncials but Rom., which is apparently illegible, and it is now adopted by Wagn. for 'ut.' Lavinia has been mentioned 6. 764. 73.] Nefas' comp. 8. 688, "sequiturque, nefas, Aegyptia coniunx." It seems to express the first feeling of the spectators, who regarded the event with horror and alarm, like Aeneas and his family in the similar case of Ascanius 2. 680 foll. Conprendere crinibus ignem :' the more ordinary expression would be "ignis crinem conprendit," as in G. 2. 305. Visa,' was seen, not seemed. It was a "visum" or portent. 74.] 'Ornatum' to be taken after 'cremari,' like 'coronam' after 'accensa.' "Flamma crepitante crematur" occurs Lucr. 6. 155. Regalisque accensa comas, accensa coronam 75.] Wagn. considers the repetition of 'accensa' as equivalent to a second 'que' ("accensa comasque coronamque"), and refers the line to the class of cases noticed on E. 4. 6, where see note: 'accensa would then be coupled as a participle with visa est cremari.' This seems the best way of taking the passage. The common method is to take accensa' as "accensa esse visa est," which is rather clumsy, and involves moreover a tautology, inasmuch as 'omnem ornatum' includes comas' and 'coronam.' Jahn proposes to strike out the semicolon after gemmis' and arrange the words: 'et, accensa comas, accensa coronam, tum (i. e. " postquam accensa est," comp. 5.719) visa est involvi fumida lumine fulvo.' But it is more after the manner of Virg. to begin a new clause with 'tum,' as the last point in a description: see 11. 724, G. 2. 296. Ribbeck considers v. 74 to have been Virg.'s first draught, which he afterwards amplified, intending to retrench the superfluity. It is singular that in descriptions like these (especially in similes) Virg. is apt to leave the reader in doubt about the exact construction intended. Regalis' probably refers to the tiring and general appearance of the hair, which was worthy of a queen. Insignem gemmis' proves, as Heyne remarks, that the 'corona' is the royal, not the sacrificial crown. 76.] Tum,' &c. till at last she became wrapped in dusky and smoking flame. 'Fumida' belongs in sense to lumine,' the words being nearly equivalent to "lumine fulvo et fumoso.' Fulvus' is twice applied to the colour of the eagle, 11. 751., 12. 247. Serv. explains the smoke grotesquely, as causing and therefore symbolizing tears. 78.] Id vero' implies that this portent following and surpassing the other brought their fear to its height. Comp. the use of "tum vero" 2. 228., 4. 450., 5. 659, 720. Ferri,' was accounted or rumoured. Comp. 2. 229, "scelus expendisse merentem Laocoonta ferunt," Hor. 2 Od. 19. 27. 75 80 79.] Fama fatisque' seems equivalent to "claris fatis." Comp. 8. 731, ". famamque et fata nepotum.' The fire round the princess herself portends her own bright fortunes, that which spreads from her over the palace portends the general conflagration of war over the land of which she was to be the cause. 80.] Wagn. Q. V. 13. 2 d. remarks on the metrical effect of the initial spondee, ipsam,' followed by a pause. It is difficult to say whether the subject of 'portendere' is Lavinia' or some word to be supplied from id ferri.' 81.] 'Sollicitus' (originally a participle) has here the force of "sollicitatus." Wakef. read monstrorum' from a MS. of Donatus. 82.] Lucosque,' &c. The chief thing with a view to explaining this difficult passage is to ascertain what and where Albunea is. Heyne and Forb. take it as a spring, and Heyne's ultimate interpretation, given in a review in the Göttingen Gelehrt. Anzeig. for 1804, p. 1672, was "Albunea aqua, quae sonat fonte sacro, maxuma (aquarum) nemorum, i. e. nemoris." But in the first place it is difficult to understand the meaning of "lucos sub Albunea aqua," and in the second place 'quae maxuma nemorum' for "quae maxuma aquarum nemorum," and that for aquarum nemoris," seems hardly admissible. G. 2. 15, "nemorumque Jovi quae maxuma frondet Aesculus" is not nearly so strong. Wagn., following Bonstetten's Voyage sur la scène des six derniers livres de l'Enéide (p. 205), takes Albunea as a wood, which removes some difficulties, but leaves 'lucos sub alta Albunea' to be explained. It is however not yet determined where Albunea itself is. Serv. places it "in altis montibus Tiburtinis," and Heyne originally identified it with the fall of the sulphurous waters of the Albula into the Anio at Tibur: but Bonstetten thinks he has discovered it in the sulphurous spring of Consulit Albunea, nemorum quae maxuma sacro دو Altieri near the fane of Anna Perenna on the road to Ardea, and his opinion was accepted by Heyne, and is adopted by Mr.Bunbury, Dict. G. 'Ardea.' The former view is confirmed by Hor. 1 Od. 7. 12, where "domus Albuneae resonantis is coupled with "praeceps Anio et Tiburni lucus," and by Lactant. Inst. 1.6 (quoting Varro) "decimam (Sibyllam) Tiburtem, nomine Albuneam, quae Tiburi colitur ut dea, iuxta ripas amnis Anienis." "Sonat' here and "resonantis" in Hor. seem to imply a waterfall. Mr. Long has no doubt that the Albunea was the sulphur lake (or nymph of the lake) from which issues the canal of the Albula. Virg., he says, has confused the lake and the woods round the lake. The difficulty (he continues) is that the lake is not at Tibur, but at least two Roman miles below the heights of Tibur, where the cascade is. 83.] "Nemorum quae maxuma" G. 2. 15 note. Sacro comp. note on G. 4. 319. 84.] Mephitin' was the old reading. Mephitim' was restored by Heins. from Med. &c. Mephitis was worshipped as a deity in various parts of Italy, as at Amsanctus (see v. 564 below), Pliny 2. 93 (95), at Cremona, Tac. H. 3. 33. It had a temple and grove at Rome on the Esquiline, Varro L. L. 5. 49, Festus s. v. "Septimontis." Serv. says some made it a male power, connected with Leucothea like Virbius with Diana, which may possibly account for 'saevum,' the reading of Med. Comp. generally 6. 240. 'Saevam' like "saevior pestis" 3. 214. Virg. may have thought of Apoll. R. 4. 599, Xíμvns els poXoàs roλußevvéos d'ĚTɩ vûv Teρ Tрaúματος αιθομένοιο βαρὺν ἀνακηκίει ἀτμόν. 85.] Oenotria :' see 1. 532. 86. There were many oracles of this kind in Greece, generally in caves, as that of Trophonius at Lebadea and that of Amphiaraus at Thebes and Oropus. Virg. seems to have transferred the custom to Italy. Heyne remarks that Tiburtus, the founder of Tibur (mentioned below v. 670), was the son of Amphiaraus. This again tends to prove that the oracle mentioned by Virg. was at or near Tibur. Serv. observes that incubare' is the proper term for this mode of consultation, answering to yкоμãσdai: comp. Plaut. Curc. 2. 2. 16, Cic. Div. 1. 43. Rams were sacrificed, and the worshipper slept in their skins, Pausan. 1. 34 (of Amphiaraus), Strabo 6. p. 284 (of Calchas in Daunia). 89.] Lucr. 4. 127, "Noscas rerum simulacra vagari Multa modis multis," Id. 1. 123, "simulacra modis pallentia miris." Comp. also Id. 6. 789, where, though the verbal similarity is less, the passage may have been in Virg.'s mind, as the context is all about mephitic vapour. 90.] "Sermone fruuntur" 8. 468. 91.] Acheronta' for the powers of hell v. 312 below, "Flectere si nequeo Superos, Acheronta movebo." We may either take 'imis Avernis' as 66 ex imis Avernis" with Heyne (which however would be to press rather far the transferred sense of Acheronta '), or we may take it as an abl. of place, connecting it closely with Acheronta,' the powers of the deepest hell.' 92.] Et tum,' then too, as in other emergencies. Wagn. seems right in remarking that Latinus himself is here the priest and takes the oracle alone. But the practice seems to have been different in different places: comp. the passages quoted on v. 86 with Hdt. 1. 182, Strabo 14, pp. 649, 650. 'Ipse,' not, as Gossrau thinks, contrasted with messengers, but either in the sense of 'also,' or strengthening 'pater.' Atque harum effultus tergo stratisque iacebat 94.] Effultus' 8. 368. 95. Med. has 'subito.' 96. For connubiis' as a trisyllable see 1. 73 (which will also illustrate the construction, though connubiis' here may ="maritis") and Munro on Lucr. 3. 776, who now decides for scanning "connubia" there. 97.] Paratis' is opposed to 'venient,' as Latinis' is to 'externi:' ready without the trouble of seeking: comp. " urbemque paratam" 4. 75, "frui paratis" Hor. 1 Od. 31. 17. Credere' of undertaking a new and untried thing, something like "se credere caelo" 6. 15. But the object of the verb may be 'natam.' Comp. G. 4. 48 note. 98.] Venient' is the reading of Med., Pal., Rom., Gud., &c. Others, of less authority, with Serv. and a quotation in Prob. Inst. 1. 6. 3 have veniunt,' which would do very well, whether we took it literally, are on their way,' or as the prophetic present for shall come."' So Heyne and Forb. Sanguine,' by allying their blood with ours. For the plur. comp. 8. 503, "Externos optate duces." 99.] 'Qui-ferant,' destined to raise.' Comp. 1. 19, "Progeniem sed enim Trojano a sanguine duci Audierat Tyrias olim quae verteret arces;" ib. 286, "Nascetur . Caesar.. famam qui terminet astris." Heins. read 'ferent' from the Leyden MS., which would be neater: but perhaps we may question whether the subj. in such cases may not originally have been parallel to the future. In Enn. Alex. fr. 11 Vahlen, "Nam maxumo saltu superabit gravidus armatis equus Suo qui partu perdat Pergama ardua," it is difficult to believe that "perdat" is not = "perdet" or "perditurus est." In such cases an early writer will often throw light on a later. In astra 95 100 105 ferant' probably refers to the superhumau glory of the race, rather than to the deification of Aeneas, in spite of the distinction made by Wagn. between "ferre ad astra" and "ferre in astra." See further on 3. 158. It signifies little whether we read a stirpe' with Ribbeck from Rom., or 'ab' with Wagn. from Med. and Pal. The division of the MSS. here and elsewhere (see on 8. 130) shows that there is no means of judging which Virg. is likely to have preferred. 100, 101.] The Caesars (nepotes') and especially Augustus are here spoken of in terms applicable at once to universal empire and divinity. Comp. E. 5. 56, "Candidus insuetum miratur limen Olympi Sub pedibusque videt nubes et sidera Daphnis,' with the common metaphorical expression "sub pedibus' " for subjection. 'Verti,' which denotes the natural movement of the universe (though probably with the transferred sense of absolute disposal), is more appropriate to the god; 'regi' recalls the emperor: 'shall see the world move beneath their feet in obedience to their sway.' 'Utrumque Oceanum,' East and West, like "utroque ab littore" G. 3. 33, "uterque Neptunus" Catull. 29 (31). 3. Recurrens' in the language of Ps. 19. 6 (Prayer Book version), "running about unto the end of the heaven again.' 103.] Ipse' is to be taken closely with suo' and is pleonastic. For 'premit ore' comp. the opposite expression ěπos púyev pкos odóvтwv. "Premit mente" (" corde," "pectore") would have been the more usual phrase: but Virg. chose to combine with it the expression "premere os" (6. 155). 104.] "Libyae magnas it Fama per urbes" 4. 173. 105.] Laomedontia' simply = "Tro |