to hold a rifle, decamped from his ambu-| lance without surgeon's leave, on the morning of the battle of Villiers, and was buried the next day in the small village church-yard, which was all too narrow to

contain the number of French graves that had to be dug. The surgeon himself was carried off by a stray shell whilst picking up the wounded on the field of Montretout; and at about the time of this, the last battle of the siege, I met with the following two lines in most of the papers:

"We regret to announce the death of Mme. la Comtesse de Verveine, who died on the 15th, of typhus fever, caught in the Ambulance of Ste. Rosemonde, aged 28."

As for M. Tricoche, I had few occasions of speaking to him after the episode furnished by the visit of M. Bilia. Our paths lay apart. The duties of newspaper correspondence took me to all points of the compass, perpetually moving, perpetually scribbling; and if here and there, whilst jotting down notes at sunset on a corpsestrewn field, I caught sight of the wellknown figure kneeling with gourd or crucifix in hand over a prostrate form, we seldom either of us had more than the time to exchange a rapid word in passing or a silent grasp of the hand. Still, I continued to hear of M. Tricoche. Soldiers talked of him with a strange respect; generals wished there were a few more like him; "Sons of Brutus swore he was a Judas, and frequently hooted him in the streets. I learned that his ambulance was always full, and it was cited as one of those where the wounded enjoyed most luxuries; for people said the Cure was spending every farthing he had, and that of all the money he had put by as Vicar of wealthy Ste. Rosemonde's, there would soon be not a penny left. On the day when the peace was signed I went to call upon M. Tricoche.

It was a sunshiny day. Paris seemed comparatively joyful glad to know that the worst was over. Everywhere people were beginning to reopen their shops or unfasten their barricaded shutters; and in front of Ste. Rosemonde's I found the Distinguished Architect superintending the removal of the sacks of earth off the pet work of his genius. The red-cross flag was already gone, for it seems the wounded had been removed to the military hospitals, now less crowded. On the door figured this new announcement:

"This Church will be reopened for Divine Service on the Sunday of Mid-Lent.

"PIERRE CHAMBONNEAU, Curé."

"Pierre Chambonneau!" said I, in as

tonishment, and addressing myself to the
become of M. Tricoche?
Distinguished Architect; "but what has

"Oh, haven't you heard?" said my
interlocutor, filliping an ash from his
cigar and laughing.
resigned."

66

"M. Tricoche has

"Resigned? And for what reason?" Oh, you know"- and the Distinguished Architect shrugged his shoulders "it's one of the new ideas that's come over him since the Empire fell. I can't say what's the meaning of it. I believe, myself, the good old man is a littleahem!" (the D. A. touched his forehead significantly). "Somebody has heard him pretend that having misled the congregation he was entrusted to guide, he deserves to be deprived of his office. They say the Archbishop tried to pacify him; but you know at that age, when they get any notion into their heads, it's the deuce and all to make them understand reason. M. Tricoche has obtained a place as Vicaire in some wild, heaven-forsaken parish down in the Pyrenees. I beg pardon. Heigh there! mind what you're about with that sack of earth: you all but sent it through the oriel."

direction of M. Tricoche's lodgings. At I walked away, without a word, in the the door a "commissionaire" was putting some luggage on a hand-truck, and Mlle. Virginie, the Cure's housekeeper, dressed as if for a journey, was coming behind him, with a parcel or two.

"Oh, it's you, Monsieur," said she, curtseying; "you're just in time to say goodby to M. le Curé."

"Is it really good-by?" I asked with some emotion: for the Curé just then appeared himself with the last of his luggage

a few books.

"Yes, dear friend," answered he, with a peaceful smile, and he held out his hand.

No doubt he guessed the mute question in my looks, for, still holding my hand, he said with quiet earnestness: -"Lavabo inter innocentes manus meas; et invocabo misericordiam Domini." Then, making the sign of the cross before me as a farewell, he added: -" Dominus tecum."

I am certain I never responded with deeper fervour:-"Et cum spiritu tuo.”

• Vicaire, in French, is curate, and cure, vicar.

From The Spectator.

THE CHANCES OF THE COMTE DE CHAM-
BORD.

as being rather courteous triflings of a
gentlemanly and even commendable kind,
than serious intrigues. On the other hand,
it must not be forgotten that the first Res-
toration revealed an unexpected depth of
regard for the old line, and was followed
by the dangerous popular movement so
well described by Louis Blanc under the
title of "The White Terror." No sooner
again is government in the provinces over-
thrown and the country left to itself, than
the peasants send up troops of Legitimists
as representatives, till they are the strong-
est fraction in the Chamber, and observers
of some experience, though doubtless also
of much prejudice, like the Parisian corre-
spondent of the Times, affirm that the As-
sembly as a body has decided to acknowl-
edge the right of the exile of Frohsdorf to
the throne of France; and serious politi-
cians interest themselves in projects of fu-
sion, which on the usual theory ought to
be about as important as an arrangement
between the two lines of Reuss.
Church declares herself friendly to the
cause of the dynastic pretender, and
Henry V. himself is so much encouraged
that he, for the first time, puts forward a
programme intended to be something more
than a purely literary effort. Hitherto he
has contented himself with asserting and
reasserting his historical "rights," but
his declaration of May 8 is an intelligible
and, in some respects, an able political
programme, suggesting either that the
Comte de Chambord is an abler man of the
reflective kind than he was believed to be,
or that some one of modern capacity has
at last obtained his ear. He does not, of
course, surrender his own theory of his
own place on earth-that would have
ruined him morally with his own party -
but he does offer some grave pledges in-
tended to diminish suspicion as to the de-
ductions he draws from his claim to be
King by right divine. He renounces for-

The

Of all the problems - and they are endless-presented by the condition of France, no one is so perplexing to Englishmen as the extent of the strength or weakness of the Legitimist idea. Is Henri Cinq merely a name, or has the respectable gentleman of fifty-one who bears that title any substantial chance of mounting the throne of France? Ask any Frenchman you will, not a Legitimist, his opinion, and he will tell you that loyalty in the old sense is utterly dead in France; that the people have forgotten the Bourbons, or associate them only with tithes; that Henry V. is to them a mere name; that Legitimacy is the highly honourable tradition of a few great families, or the highly dishonourable affectation of a few men who use its profession as a passport to good society, but that it is in no sense and among no class a working political creed. The love for the White Flag is, in fact, an antiquarian sentiment. This belief has been entertained by a succession of rulers, some of whom at all events must be held to have understood France. Napoleon I., though he warred with the Vendéans, never dreaded or disliked the Legitimists as individuals, and though he shot the Duc d'Enghien, systematically trusted them in his diplomatic service. Louis Philippe insulted the party, as in the affair of the Duchess de Berri, without fear, while perpetually making concessions to the Bonapartists, who, as he always believed, outnumbered his own friends. Napoleon III., detesting and dreading the Orleanists, not only courted the Legitimists, but tried to utilize the historic sentiment in their favour for the benefit of his own dynasty, suggesting, for example, in a public manifesto, that one day the fittest title for his own son, then just born, would be the old one of Child of France. And finally, Gam-mally and distinctly any intention of exbetta, besides employing them readily in ercising absolute power, and pledges himall departments, omitted them with strong self to "submit all acts of his Government words of praise from his denunciations and to the careful control of representatives decree of disqualification. This confidence, freely elected." This pledge is intended, so strange in men who towards other par- of course, to conciliate all those Orleanists ties exhibited a feeling of distrustful an- who are rather Parliamentarians than foltipathy, was justified by almost all the lowers of any dynasty, and may have a vis ble facts. During forty years the Le- great effect upon the bourgeoisie, while it gitimists have never been able to raise an will not offend his own party, which, insurrection, nor during those years can though it asserts the doctrine of divine they ever be said to have had out of Brit-right with almost incredible vehemence, tany a party at the polls. A few great has never denied the right of its head to Legitimists, like Berryer, rose to Parlia- use any agency or take any advice he mentary distinction; but their relations pleased. Then he declares that he will with Frohsdorf were tolerated on all hands, not if restored interfere with equality,

which is one of "the conditions of the life be that of France." He has neither symof the nation;" or attempt to establish pathy with the Germans nor support from privileges, a concession to the moderate them, for though he has lived in exile, it Republicans, who are more afraid of aristocracy than of the throne; promises complete amnesty, even to the extent of employing men of all parties,— a bid for the adhesion of the bureaucracy; and finally pledges himself to secure efficacious guarantees for the Pope, - a bid for the village curés, hitherto the strongest because the most interested friends of the Bonapartists. The tone of the whole manifesto in fact is that of a man who believes that a movement will be made in his favour, which may succeed, if only the factions most likely to resist can be temporarily conciliated.

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