ardice rather than urge them on to the fight for honour's sake, and make the braver minority to pass under the harrow rather than stimulate the backward to a common self-defence. If your soul is tormented with doubts, bury them in the basket of loaves and fishes, and do not quarrel with your bread and butter because you are not certain of the genuineness of the dairy. What is truth? A phantom, a mere matter of relative proportion; and it is better to preach - well, what you are not quite sure of— than unsettle the faith of simple folk. The idea of sacrificing a comfortable position for what you are pleased to term conscience, honesty, honour, is too absurd; and, moreover, you cannot prove your position, and really one vagueness is quite as good as another. Absolute martyrdom is rococo; and we have done our best to make our mild version of it ridiculous. There is no doubt however about one thing, which is, that morals are, as we say, movable; that words have lost their old significance and things their former value, that virtue counts for nothing, and success and what will pay for all. The aspirations of men which do not lead to present immediate good are so much wasted force; and the present penny is of more value in our eyes than the future pound. No one works for posterity, or for sake of the Best, irrespective of success. Just as the modern landowner plants larch rather than oak, because of its quicker growth and consequent earlier returns, so do we care for the qualities which bring us immediate personal reward, and especially for common sense, that much misused euphemism by which we mean servility, acquiescence in dishonour, if it pays; selfaggrandizement, by shady means if necessary, but self-aggrandizement at all events, and the abnegation of all those generous impulses which would lead to the damage of body or estate for the mere sake of upholding a principle.

when attacked on account of national peculiarities was due to the nearly unbroken character of English political prosperity. As a matter of fact, however, Scotchmen, with all their proud history in the distant past and great prosperity in the immediate past, are exceptionally sensitive to attacks on their nationality; and so are the Spaniards, who if they have fallen in the world, certainly do not know it; while the French before their disasters, with their marvellous history, were morbidly sensitive to criticism even from themselves, denouncing the latter as unpatriotic. Nor do we find that nations who have made history and great history cease therefore to be sensitive. The Americans when they emerged from their great war were almost at the top of the world, drove out Napoleon from Mexico, and alarmed Great Britain, but still they could not get over the way the English papers had "belittled " them. They had become, one would think, almost case-hardened to newspapers, and had nothing to do but to point to their achievements as a sufficient answer to everybody; but still they could not be comfortable till Englishmen acknowledged that they had fought through the biggest war, trampled out the biggest rebellion, and generally become the biggest people that ever were It actually seemed for a time as if the raw would never heal, and England and the Union would have to fight because the Times was decidedly Southern in its sympathies and Punch slightly brutal in its jokes. And now here is Germany, at the very head of the world, with her cup full of success, and of success won by the exhibition of the qualities nations most exult in, courage, discipline, brain, power in war of every kind, from the solidest endurance to the most refined strategy, and yet Germany is almost as sensitive as A Glasgow shopkeeker last week exhibited a caricature implying that France was hardly used, whereupon three gentlemen, Isaid to be Prussians, walked in, asked for the caricature, paid for it punctually, and tore it up, threatening the shopman with worse if the picture were replaced. The German Press is almost as weak, and with all its aspirations gratified is so wild because other nations think it might have Ir is very hard to discover either the been less hard in gratifying them, that it limits or the final causes of national sen- descends to the most amusing arguments. sitivenesses, or rather of the sensitive- England claims £10,000 for the murder of Desses which men betray about their Mr. Llyod at Marathon. A German solnationality. The old theory used to be dier is as good as a British engineer. Conthat people belonging to nations without sequently Great Britain ought to approve a history are the most sensitive, that the if Germany asks £10,000 for every Gerexceptionally thick skin of the Englishman' man soldier killed in fair fighting, in which

From The Spectator. NATIONAL SENSITIVENESSES.

seen.

ever.

fighting his nation was victorious. Why, or vexed by truthful reprimand, but the on that showing, is not the Frenchman notion that their nation was hurt would who is killed to be paid for, too, by the never enter their minds. nation which killed him? American It is all self-conceit? Well, then, selfstatesmen are pretty well hardened to conceit is very useful; but it is curious criticism; but great statesmen in Ger- that the American or Spaniard, who on many, even when they have won, when the score of his nationality is incarnate their deeds are answers to all attacks, still self-conceit, should be so touchy under seem to feel sore because their political depreciation; that the Frenchman, who is conduct is matter of sharp discussion. certainly not devoid of the foible, should Like Frederick the Great, they complain be so restive under criticism - he does that the flogged soldier should be afraid not mind caricature, as that appeals to his of them, and think, "You ought to love best intellectual quality, his love of hume, sirrah." Even during the occupation mour-and that the Prussian, who cerof Paris a caricature would have put that tainly is not the humblest of mankind, Army which had showed so miraculous a should be stung into an explosion by a constancy in the siege out of the very pa- picture sold by a shopman who probably tience in which itself quite justly exulted, did not even know its meaning. There and Count Bismarck complains every day must be some other explanation, and as because the Indépendance Belge is so we do not find it in the bad qualities or French in sympathy. circumstances of different nations, supIf the feeling were universal we could pose we seek it in the good. Is it not the understand it, but one race, and perhaps fact that most peoples are sensitive to attwo, seem absolutely devoid of it. Italians tack on the side on which they keep up a seem to mind ridicule but little, and no- high ideal, to which they would like to body can think of a caricature which attain? A German always thinks of himwould seriously annoy an Englishman self, for instance, as endowed with a sort from the side of his nationality. The of kindly goodness, showing itself in variFrench did their best in that way for ous ways, especially in the more sentimenyears, and Englishmen strolling along the tal forms and in his love of justice, and Boulevards criticised their performances though he may not attain his ideal as fully with the most immovable good-temper, as he thinks, he cannot bear to be depreasked who had been taken for models of ciated on that side. Whether he contheir Volunteers who were ridiculed in quered the world or not may be a subject a spirit of genuine bitterness - laughed for argument, but that if he did he was a over representations of the English "mees- good fellow too, not given to harshness or ses not by any means polite, and asked cruelty, is certainty, and must not be deeach other if they really did pronounce nied. If anybody says he took too much French in that extraordinary way. [By money in the Treaty, that is abuse, not the way, it is a very curious fact that the comment, and ought, he thinks, to make popular caricature of a foreigner's mispro- him irritable. The ideal of himself, though nunciation is seldom or never like his real by no means yet realized, is a good one blunders, except in certain broad charac- to have, and may, in the long run, materiteristics, is apparently a tradition of the ally soften a nation whose bad quality is blunders he used to make, but has aban- the hardness of which it dislikes to hear. doned.] Praise of their nation sometimes So is the American's ideal, which is a kind gives Englishmen unreasonable pleasure, of polished self-dependent dignity to as, for example, Marshal Bugeaud's sen- which he does not attain, but which he has tence about the British infantry; but if always in his mind, and resents any accuevery General on earth accused our sol-sation that he lacks. It would be much diery of habitual cowardice, the majority better to strive towards it more earnestly, of Englishmen would only think they were and care less whether foreigners think he talking nonsense for a purpose. Mr. Haw- has attained it; but the existence of the thorne's curious bursts of dislike worry ideal in his own fancy is a good thing for us just as little as M. Assolant's sneers or him. The Frenchman's ideal, again, that Victor Hugo's attacks on our unequalled of the elegant and brave, the Bayard, has selfishness. We have tried in vain, in fact, had a distinct influence on his character, to think of the form of ridicule with pen and is revealed in his morbid sensitiveness or pencil which would give Englishmen, to the charge either of cowardice, awkwardwho are of the same race as both Germans ness, or thickwittedness. You may call a and Americans, five minutes' annoyance. Frenchman anything rather than a camel. They might be irritated by individual libel A certain grandezza is to the Spaniard what

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chivalry is to the Frenchman, and any insituation that he is contemptible hurts him infinitely more than the assertion that he is a blood-thirsty bigot. People do not despise blood-thirsty bigots. It is because he is unimaginative, because he so seldom gives himself an ideal, that the Englishman is thick-skinned, till he hardly comprehends, even in his own secret mind, how it is that other people can be so hurt by satire, or rebuke, or hasty criticism. He has no self other than himself to protect from injury, to be forever sensitive about, and so lampoon, and caricature, and abuse excite in him only a faint sense of amusement that he should be so entirely misunderstood.

From The Spectator.

THE SITUATION IN SPAIN.

a member of the Government, and indeed a Cabinet Minister. Does "the Savoyard," as with malicious pleasantry an opponent nicknames Amadeo, look to the nobility of Spain to give his Court that prestige of aristocracy which is of the very essence of kingship? He must content himself with such nobility as was to be found in the salons of the Man of December, or among the tradespeople who profit by his custom, and ape the incongruous graces of a citizen-king in a country where Royalty must be either sacred or despised. Meantime, the equipages of the haughtiest grandees keep rolling with rebellious ostentation to the prison of San Francisco, where a number of young officers who have refused the oath of allegiance are confined by the Government, and as a consequence have won the enthusiastic sympathies of all the sangre azul for a hundred miles around. When Amadeo comes to the theatre, he is either received with the chilling inattention of the best circles, or finds that count, and marquis, and duke THE recent elections to the Provincial have left at his approach. Some MinisteDeputations of Spain have greatly alarmed rial prints had indulged the pleasing anticithe new Government, and seem to indicate pation that the Duke de Montpensier that the leading hope of the friends of would acknowledge the nominee of Prim. Spain after the death of Prim-the hope Within the past few days, however, the that parties would regard him as the scape- question has been decided, as all but the goat for all that occurred during the inter- editors and readers of Ministerial prints regnum — will be disappointed. His death might have told, and the Orleanist candiapparently has diminished the ascendancy date for the Crown of the Catholic Soverof the King over the Army, without in any eigns is now a source of torturing perdegree ameliorating the hatreds of the plexity as a prisoner on parole in the hands great parties to the new form of Govern- of the son of Victor Emmanuel. It was to ment. That Government is still weak, be expected that Carlists, Alfonsists, and still protected mainly by the dread of the Republicans would remain irreconcilable anarchy which might supervene upon any with the new Monarchy. It was thought very great change, still unable to attract that they would remain irreconcilable with to itself the support of the body of the themselves. It certainly did not enter the people. The new King is not yet master apprehension of many that so strange a of the situation, if he ever will be, and coalition would be formed, and would be possibly from no fault of his own, is far found to work, as that which is now befrom generally popular, while his Ministers yond a doubt, the coalition, namely, of are almost as much disliked as Prim was. Republicans and Carlists. Acting on the On every side the new Government of instruction of their three great leaders, Spain sees itself unable to form a union Pi y Margall, Figueras, and gifted Castelwith a single one of the opposing forces. lar, the Republican voters, during the Does it attempt to disarm the Church by recent elections to the Provincial Deputaaditing handsome phrases about the Pa- tions, the Spanish Landtags, have, everypacy in circulars from the Foreign Office, where that the Carlists were in the maby proffering to the clergy payment of all jority compared to them, given their votes arrears of stipends, by subscribing to the to aid the success of the Carlist candidates, repair or the erection of religious edifices, and have everywhere in corresponding cirby patronizing pious lotteries? The utility cumstances received a correponding supof the condescension is seen in the nomina- port from Carlist minorities. The journals tion of Señor Monescillo, the distinguished of Carlist and Republican alike are filled Bishop of Jaen, as the Carlist candidate for with addresses in this sense, and both unite Cuidad-Real, in opposition to the Ministe- in proclaiming that the expulsion of the rial candidate, Don Moret y Prendergast, foreigner is a duty of patriotism which

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From The Economist. THE GERMAN TERMS OF PEACE.

overrides every other consideration. The danger to the Government from so portentous a combination may be already meas- It is very difficult, it is perhaps nearly ured by the depressing fact that at the impossible, to write upon a subject like general election of Provincial Deputies to the terms of peace demanded by Germany which we have referred, the Ministerial from France, without admitting the intrulist shows no more than 913 returns to 528 sion of any prejudice. So many and so in support of the opposition. Remember- great results may flow from the treaty, so ing the advantages that are always on the many principles are involved in its execuside of the Government in power advan- tion, so many interests will be affected by tages concerning the use of which suffi- its details, that it is hard indeed for any ciently strange stories are going the publicist to be sure that he is absolutely rounds, remembering how many en- fair. The object of the Economist, howlightened waiters on Providence, certainly ever, is to throw white light upon the subnot less numerous in Spain than elsewhere, jects within its range, and we will try to go to make up the majority, there is some- explain without prejudice our reasons for thing strikingly ominous in this result. believing that in the terms Count Bismarck The Iberia openly acknowledges the grav- has demanded and obtained from France, ity of the situation, and the Government he, or the group of princes, generals, and by postponing the meeting of the Cortes, statesmen whose mouthpiece he is, have of whose temper the Provincial Deputa- been unwisely hard. To make this clear tions may serve as a too probable index, we must of course reject one or two conto the very last day permitted by the Con- siderations on either side, which with stitution, not less significantly admits the many of our readers will weigh very heavnecessity of anxious preparation. Cer- ily indeed. We reject absolutely, for extainly the new King, with such political ample, the idea of the unalterability of difficulties around him, with the young European boundaries. European boundwife of his love trembling in the balance aries have always been altering. Nobody between life and death in distant Italy, objects to a "rectification of frontier must be of sterner stuff than usually en- which affects only a few villages; and it ters into the composition of men or is impossible to show that it is either princes, if he does not sometimes feel immoral or illegal to sacrifice a provtempted to regret having exchanged the ince to the general welfare of the world. honoured repose of his former station for That argument, in the present case, the crown of thorns which awaited him at applies in favour of the Germans; but, Madrid. Indeed, we have it from a re- on the other hand, we must reject abspectable authority that the burthen of solutely the argument drawn from prethe State is often as insupportable to him vious possession. Nations have no more as Prince Karl von Hohenzollern has found right to provinces they once held, because the dominion of Roumania. We wish we they once held them, than men have to could add to our notice of Spanish affairs properties they have once possessed, for that there was any perceptible improve- which they have a sentimental regard, but ment in the tone of Spanish party conflicts. which they have sold for a consideration. Men can be enemies without being dishon- Sweden has not a moral right to take Pomourable ones. The recent dastardly at- erania from Prussia; Germany has not a tempt, however, against the life of the able moral right to take Courland from Rusminister Don Manuel Ruiz Zorrilla is a sia; England has not a moral right to dreadful warning that the most fatal and revindicate Calais; France has not a moral cowardly means are still favourite weapons right to the Rhine. In the face of posseswith the extreme parties; nor when we sion, in fact, only two rights can be see, as we constantly do in the most re- pleaded-the will of the people, or the spectable journals, such phrases and epi- general welfare of the world, to be de"scourings of the gutter," and cided by the general verdict of the parlia"dolt," and "blockhead " currently applied ments or public opinion of the world. to characterize the persons or the style of political opponents, can we feel aught but the heaviest forebodings as to the future of unhappy Spain. We trust we may be mistaken, we earnestly desire that a miracle may happen, but we cannot resist the impressions which flow from a candid survey of the situation of affairs.

thets as

It follows that while we deny the right of Germany to claim Alsace as a previous possession, we equally deny the right of France to assert the absolute unchangeableness of her boundaries, and hold that Germany being victorious had a claim to such terms as would make her reasonably secure. It is for the benefit of the world

that she, as clearly the greatest military, uated for defence, and therefore less likely power within it, should be so far reason- to be attacked by France, would have ably secure as to be exempt from the ne- been but little better situated for offencessity of perpetually preparing for war to sive war, while France, left in possession ensure her security. It is also for the of her impregnable stronghold could have benefit of that world that she should gain stood on the defensive with a quiet mind. this security at the cost of the Power Now, with the German frontier thrust forwhich originally attacked her. Some fear ward a hundred miles, with the strongest of suffering there must be to keep the na- fortress in Europe garrisoned by its most tions from unjust war or war would be powerful army within 180 miles of her endless; and experience proves that no capital, France will be perpetually anxious fear is equal to the fear of amputation, of for her independence, perpetually seeking partial and localized death. Consequently an opportunity of making herself safe, it is for the benefit of the world that Ger- perpetually open to an alliance which may many should take as much of French ter- enable her to gratify her hatred. The ritory as will add to her real security, and Germans have in fact purchased the perthe only question to be discussed is how petual enmity of France at the price of a much will add to it? That is as favour- fortress, and France, after all her losses, is able a method as it is possible to use for still a country of 35,000,000 of men adthe consideration of the German claim, dicted to military life, fertile in military and still that method is far from favour- genius, possessed of a singular power of able to the terms of peace exacted. It is propagating their ideas, and with firm very doubtful, to begin with, whether any though not numerous allies in the Alsaterritory obtained by force from a great tians and the Poles. Supposing, what is nation, in opposition to the will of its local quite probable, that she ultimately secures population, can be a security, whether the the alliance of Russia, Germany will be danger of treason thence arising is not placed between two fires,-two nations greater than any geographical advantage. controlling together ninety millions of Supposing the dislike of German rule uni- men and at least two millions of soldiers, versal in the ceded territories, Germany with no frontier to tho North East, and a would gain nothing, for the contribution frontier to the West honeycombed by of Elsass" to her forces would be ulti- treason. That is no security. So little is mately 60,000 men, and the desertion or it like security that Germany will be comrevolt of that number of soldiers in the pelled for many years to remain perpetmidst of a war with France would be far ually under arms, with her commerce cripmore injurious to her than the gain of pled by the expectation of war, and her revenue and position would be beneficial. people wearied by the impossibility of Without, however, pressing that possibil- obtaining the liberty which when not at ity, which Germans deny,-they holding in war they desire. The demand for Metz the teeth of all facts that the tie of race is in fact turns what might have been a stronger than the tie of sentiment,-it is peace into an armed truce, and is therecertain that no geographical possession fore in the interest of Germany most uncan outweigh the insecurity caused by the wisely hard. hatred of thirty-five millions of a neighbouring and highly civilized and wealthy people. It is certain that in claiming Metz the Germans have earned that hatred, and nearly certain that if they had adhered to the line of the Vosges they would not have earned it. The French no doubt would, as the Germans always say, have been very bitter at their defeat; but bitternesses of that kind die away, as we know from the example of Scotland and England, England and France, and while all other hatreds to be efficacious require the provocation of fear. The possession of the line of the Vosges would have been no menace to France. The possession of Metz is. Alsace might have been regretted, but Metz will be feared, and we hate those we fear. With Alsace Germany, though better sit-' excessive pecuniary demand now made

So also is the demand for money. To some money we may at once admit Germany was entitled. France began the war, and it was reasonable to ask that the sum raised by Germany to defend herself should be repaid. But to demand four times that sum, and thus perceptibly to increase the national debt of France, was most unwise, inasmuch as it tends to prevent the prosperity which renders a declaration of war so difficult to rulers. The greatest and best security of Germany has been the fondness of the French peasant for increasing his hoards, for putting together franc after franc, and rood after rood of land; and a period of prosperity following a terrible defeat would have made this disposition irresistible.

The