military power ought always to be fubject to the civil: And yet, without any fort of refentment for what he had done, he owns the share he had in the force put on the Parliament at this time. The plain reconciling of this is, that he thought when the Army judged the Parliament was in the wrong they might ufe violence, but not otherwife: Which gives the Army a fuperiour authority, and an inspection into the proceedings of the Parliament. This fhews how impoffible it is to fet up a Commonwealth in England: For that cannot be brought about but by a military force: And they will ever keep the Parliament in fubjection to them, and so keep up their own authority.

The men

chiefly en

I will leave all that relates to the King's trial and death to common hiftorians, knowing nothing that is particular of that great tranfaction, which was certainly one of the most amazing scenes in history. Ireton was the perfon that drove it on: For Cromwell was all the while in fome fufpence about it. Ireton had the principles and the tem- the taking gaged in per of a Caffius in him: He ftuck at nothing that the King's might have turned England to a Commonwealth: life. And he found out Cook and Bradshaw, two bold lawyers, as proper inftruments for managing it. Fairfax was much diftracted in his mind, and changed purposes often every day. The Prefbyterians and the body of the City were much against it, and were every where fafting and praying for the King's prefervation. There was not above 8000 of the Army about the town: But these were selected out of the whole Army, as the moft engaged in enthufiafm: And they were kept at prayer in their way almost day and night, except when they were upon duty: So that they were wrought up to a pitch of fury, that struck a terrour into all people. On the other hand the King's party was without fpirit: And, as many of themselves have faid to me, they could never be

The

lieve his death was really intended till it was tod late. They thought all was a pageantry to ftrike a terrour, and to force the King to fuch conceffions as they had a mind to extort from him.

The King himself fhewed a calm and a composed King's be firmnefs, which amazed all people; and that fo haviour. much the more, because it was not natural to him. It was imputed to a very extraordinary measure of fupernatural affiftance. Bifhop Juxon did the duty of his function honeftly, but with a dry coldness that could not raife the King's thoughts: So that it was owing wholly to fomewhat within himself that he went thro' fo many indignities with so much true greatnefs, without diforder or any fort of affectation. Thus he died greater than he had lived; and fhewed, that which has been often obferved of the whole race of the Stuarts, that they bore misfortunes better than profperity. His reign both in peace and war was a continual feries of errours: So that it does not appear that he had a true judgment of things. He was out of meafure fet on following his humour, but unreafonably feeble to thofe whom he trufted, chiefly to the Queen. He had too high a notion of the regal power, and thought that every oppofition to it was rebellion. He minded little things too much, and was more concerned in the drawing of a paper than in fighting a battle. He had a firm averfion to Popery, but was much inclined to a middle way between Proteftants and Papists, by which he loft the one without gaining the other. His engaging the Duke of Rohan in the war of Rochelle, and then affifting him fo poorly, and forfaking him at laft, gave an ill character of him to all the Proteftants abroad. The Earl of Lauderdale told me, the Duke of Rohan was at Geneva, where he himself was, when he received a very long letter, or rather a little book from my father, which gave him a copious account of the beginning of the troubles

in Scotland: He tranflated it to the Duke of Rohan, who expreffed a vehement indignation at the Court of England for their ufage of him: Of which this was the account he then gave.

Rochelle.

X

The Duke of Buckingham had a fecret conver- The affation with the Queen of France, of which the fair of Queen-mother was very jealous, and poffeffed the King with fuch a sense of it, that he was ordered immediately to leave the Court. Upon his return to England, under this affront he poffeffed the King with fuch a hatred of that Court, that the Queen was ill used on her coming over, and all her fervants were fent back. He told him also that the Proteftants were fo ill ufed, and fo ftrong, that if he would protect them they would involve that Kingdom in new wars; which he represented as fo glorious a beginning of his reign, that the King without weighing the confequence of it fent one to treat with the Duke of Rohan about it. Great affiftance was promifed by fea: So a war was refolved on, in which the fhare that our Court had is well enough known. But the infamous part was, that Richlieu got the King of France to make his Queen write an obliging letter to the Duke of Buckingham, affuring him that, if he would let Rochelle fall without affifting it, he fhould have leave to come over, and should settle the whole matter of the religion according to their edicts. This was a strange proceeding: But Cardinal Richlieu could turn that weak King as he pleased. Upon this the Duke made that fhameful campaign of the ifle of Rhee. But finding next winter that he was not to be fuffered to go over into France, and that he was abufed into a falfe hope, he refolved to have followed that matter A defign with more vigour, when he was ftabbed by Felton. of making There is another ftory told of the King's con- the Spaduct during the peaceable part of his reign, which nifh NeI had from Halewyn of Dort, who was one of the a Comjudges in the Court of Holland, and was the monVOL. I. wifeft wealth.

F

therlands

wifeft and greatest man I knew among them. He told me, he had it from his father, who being then the chief man of Dort was of the States, and had the fecret communicated to him. When Ifabella Clara Eugenia grew old, and began to decline, a great many of her council, apprehending what miferies they would fall under, when they fhould be again in the hands of the Spaniards, formed a defign of making themselves a free Commonwealth, that, in imitation of the union among the Cantons of Switzerland that were of both religions, there fhould be a perpetual confederacy between them and the States of the feven provinces. This they communicated to Henry Frederick Prince of Orange, and to fome of the States, who approved of it, but thought it neceffary to engage the King of England in it. The Prince of Orange told the English Embaffadour, that there was a matter of great confequence that was fit to be laid before the King; but it was of fuch a nature, and fuch perfons were concerned in it, that it could not be communicated, unless the King would be pleafed to promife abfolute fecrecy for the prefent. The King did: And then the Prince of Orange fent him the whole fcheme. The fecret was ill kept: Either the King trufted it to fome who discovered it, or the paper was ftollen from him; for it was fent over to the Court of Bruxells: One of the Ministry loft his head for it: And fome took the alarm fo quickly that they got to Holland out of danger. After this the Prince of Orange had no commerce with our Court, and often lamented that fo great a defign was fo unhappily loft. He had an ill opinion of the King's conduct of the war; for when the Queen came over, and brought fome of the generals with her, the Prince faid, after he had talked with them, (as the late King told me,) he did not wonder to fee the affairs of England decline as they did, fince he had talked with the King's generals.

I will not enter farther into the military part: For I remember an advice of Marshal Schomberg's, never to meddle in the relation of military matters. He faid, fome affected to relate thofe affairs in all the terms of war, in which they committed great errours, that exposed them to the fcorn of all commanders, who muft defpife relations that pretend to an exactnefs when there were blunders in every part of them.

fects of

In the King's death the ill effect of extreme vio- The ill eflent counfels difcovered itself. Ireton hoped that violent by this all men concerned in it would become irre- couniels. concileable to monarchy, and would act as defperate men, and deftroy all that might revenge that blood. But this had a very different effect. Something of the fame nature had happened in lower inftances before: But they were not the wifer for it. The Earl of Strafford's death made all his former errours be forgot: It raifed his character, and caft a lafting odium on that way of proceeding; whereas he had funk in his credit by any cenfure lower than death, and had been little pitied, if not thought juftly punished. The like effect followed upon Archbishop Laud's death. He was a learned, a fincere and zealous man, regular in his own life, and humble in his private deportment; but was a hot, indifcreet man, eagerly pursuing fome matters that were either very inconfiderable or mischievous, fuch as fetting the communion table by the eaft walls of churches, bowing to it, and calling it the Altar, the fuppreffing the Walloons privileges, the breaking of lectures, the encouraging of fports on the Lord's day, with fome other things that were of no value And yet all the zeal and heat of that time was laid out on thefe. His feverity in the Starchamber and in the High-Commiffion-Court, but above all his violent and indeed inexcufable injuftice in the profecution of Bishop Williams,