OR,

Ideen über unsre Erasmische aussprache des Altgriechischen :-A view of our pronunciation of the ancient Greek, called Erasmian. By M. Neidlinger. Vienna.

The subject of the present work is a proof, that the Germans of the present day are more eager of grasping at what is curious, than of aiming at what is useful. The rage in Germany seems to be for subjects inexplicable in their nature, and which, if resolved, would leave us no wiser than we were before. It matters little how the Greeks pronounced their vowels and dipthongs, provided we agree in pronouncing them in the most harmonious manner, or at least in that manner which seems most agreeable to our ear; for as there can be no abstract harmony, all sounds are harmonious that seem to be so. If, then, we be satisfied with our own mode of pronouncing Greek,-and if we were not we should not have adopted it,what avails it to know how it was pronounced by the original framers of it? Sounds, indeed, excite agreeable or disagreeable sensations, and therefore we should prefer the former in the formation of languages; but between two agreeable sounds, it matters not which we take, because neither of them conveys any meaning to the mind, antecedent to convention, and therefore one will suit our purpose as well as the other. There can be no room for choice where the harmony of sound is equal. When, therefore, we admire a certain passage in Homer, according to our manner of reading it-and when the natives of Corfu or Zante admire it equally, though they pronounce and read it differently, and when we accuse them, and they accuse us of introducing into the language of Homer, barbarous and corrupt sounds, we bring charges against each other which

neither of us understands. Sound can. not be corrupted, for it is not composed of parts; and therefore the separating or vitiating principle cannot act upon it. A corrupt sound can, therefore, mean nothing more than a disagreeable sound, or a sound void of harmony. How absurd is it then, to accuse the inhabitants of Zante with using inharmonious sounds, for if they appear harmonious to them, they must be so, however harsh and grating they may be to us. Perhaps, if their ears were more exquisitely attuned to musical expression, they would find our pronunciation of Greek more musical than their own; but while they want this nice discrimination, our sounds may offend them, and consequently possess no harmony so far as regards them. Whatever

pleases the ear of any individual is harmony to him, however grating it may be to the ear of another. If we could prove the existence of an harmonious sound without recurring to the ear at all, we might then indeed determine whose pronunciation is the most harmonious, but surely if we can form no idea of an harmonious sound but by our ear, and if we can assign no reason why it produces the agreeable effect, no man can pretend to make his own ear a standard for that of another. Perhaps the most musical sound in nature, is discord compared to the music of less materialized beings than man. Α French critic, treating of the work before us, makes the following judicious reflections.

"The pronunciation of the Greek has excited no inconsiderable dispute among the learned; but after all that has been advanced concerning the value of letters, we now remain where we set out, and are as wise as if the question had never been agitated: and the most elegant of languages no longer speaks but to our eyes, and offers to the ear but contested sounds. M. Neidlinger

Eur. Mag. Vol, 82.

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has thrown one opinion more into the balance: it is, no doubt, judicious and reasonable; but it is still only an opinion, and will ever remain so; and though he finds both parties in error, he has not helped in the least to determine the controversy. The observations of learned men are always of little value when opposed to the grammar of a people. M. Neidlinger acknowledges that we may have adopted an erroneous pronunciation of the diphtongs. He shews that since the second century, & and of had lost their quality as dipthongs, and became simple vowel sounds; in support of this opinion, he cites a passage from Slobée; but why has he not cited a passage still more ancient, I mean that of the oracle, related by Thucydides, in his second book, chap. 54, the entire ambiguity of which rests on the prounciation of the dipthong o. The Athenians, afflicted by a pestilence, recollected a prediction which their fathers had reported formerly: "Ηξει Δωριακος πολεμος καὶ λοιμός au aur. As in the pronunciation λouoc, pestilence, does not differ from Xipos, the scourge which threatened them was not anticipated, till its effects were previously felt. It is certain, that, among the ancient Greeks, of was pronounced i. But I will readily say with one of our most learned Hellenists, thanks to eta! this letter, n, which is the principal point of difficulty in Greek pronunciation, has been disputed with such acrimony, that there has been Etacists and Itacists; as there have been Jansenists and Molinists. What seems to give the victory to the partisans of the Erasmian pronunciation is, a passage from Plato, and another from Terence: the former proves that this letter eta, n, has been intended to strengthen epsilon, as omega has been to prolong omicron. The second proves that the sound of both was preserved in the new letter. The passages are these:-Plato says, Ου γαρ η εχρώμεθα αλλά ε το Talaiov; and Terence, Literam namque E videmus esse ad nra proximam, sicut o et w videntur esse vicinæ sibi. Temporum momenta distant, non soni nativitas."

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dustry than the Germans, in elucidating historic facts, and fixing the chronology of doubtful events, particularly those of the middle ages. That this is the national spirit, and not confined to the curiosity of a few antiquaries, appears evident from the interest, which the public authorities take in promoting this species of knowledge. How far this zeal, however, may tend to promote the ends of science, appears to us of a questionable nature. The knowledge of events is of little importance, unless it make us wiser or better; but neither wisdom nor virtue is promoted by knowing when events took place. If history had merely informed us, that the Romans were defeated at the battle of Cannæ, and that the engagement took place on a certain day, in a certain year, what advantage could we derive from this abstract information? To tell us that a battle was fought, and the weaker party overcome, is only to tell us, that power prevails over weakness. The information, therefore, can serve only those, if any such there be, who are ignorant of the fact. But to tell us that it was fought on a certain day, adds still less to our experience, and can only gratify an idle curiosity. The case, however, is different when we are told, that upwards of forty thousand men were lost by the rashness of one general, who would have been all saved, had they been guided by the wisdom of another. It is not, then, the event which takes place, much less the time in which it takes place, that interests us, or at least that should interest us, but the causes by which it is brought about. It is this knowledge which the wise man seeks after the fool is satisfied if he can tell the date of the event.

Nisi utile est quod facias, stulta est gloria.

M. Wedekind, however, though he attaches more importance to dates than we do, and has, consequently, exerted more diligence in ascertaining them, than we think them worthy of, has still directed his attention to more useful purposes. He has corrected many geographical errors, and pointed out, with great precision, many places which have been hitherto very imperfectly known. The author throws considerable light on the genealogy of the house of Saxe, and on its alliance with Charlemagne. The diligence which he has exercised in elucidating the obscure, and exploding the fabulous, has necessarily enabled him to correct many popular errors, and even to trace them to their source. He consigns, for instance, Joada, a princess of Hungary,

to the regions of romance, and shews, that she owed her imaginary existence

to a false Latin genetive case. On the

whole, it may be said, that if his work be not one of those which expands the mind by the lights of useful science, at least it is well calculated to gratify curiosity, and to unbend the mind from the toil of active pursuits, and severer studies.

Pindarus Werke:-a Metrical Translation of the Works of Pindar, with the original Texts and Notes. By T. Thiersch. 2 vols. royal 8vo. Leipsick.

This is the first time the works of the most difficult of the Greek poets, with the fragments, have been completely translated into German verse of the same metre with the original.

M.

Thiersch has completed this bold undertaking in a manner that does him great credit. The translation is faithful; and although the original is rendered verse for verse, yet nothing seems forced, and the Greek text is conformable to the best editions. The introduction treats of Greek music, and of the author of Pindar's verse; and explains the subject and occasion upon which each ode was written. The author treats generally of the origin of dramatic poetry at Athens, and concludes with a chronological table of Pindar's poems.

Delle Rivoluzioni d'Italia, &c. :Of the Revolutions of Italy. By C. Dening, with the unpublished additions and corrections of the Author. 3 vols. 8vo. Milan.

The continuation of the Revolutions of Italy, from 1713 to 1792, under the title of "Modern Italy," appeared full of errors. The author undertook to correct them by a copy of the edition, published at Venice in 1793. He accordingly retouched the entire of his "Revolutions." After his death, this corrected and improved copy fell into the hands of Giuseppe Micali, known by his "History of Italy before the Dominion of the Romans." The typographic society of Italian classics happily succeeded in gaining possession of this valuable compilation, and have published it with great accuracy and correctness.

The object of Rosini in this work is, to make us acquainted with the life, studies, and writings of this celebrated author; and we cannot refuse him the eredit of evincing judgment and impartiality in the execution of it. Guicciardini flourished in Italy when it was the scene of important political occurrences, and the parent of eminent literary productions. His Italian history of the principal events of his own time is a master-piece in its kind, but he has been accused, nor does Rosini deny the charge, of entertaining sentiments unfavourable to liberty. He admits that he was infected with a portion of the spirit that characterized his age, and how few writers have triumphed over its influence! He adopted that dangerous maxim of Machiavel, that whatever is useful and happily executed is always just and reasonable; and this maxim had no inconsiderable ascendancy over his life and writings. Rosini, however, maintains, that he was an enemy to despotism, though no advocate for popular administration; and that in all his vicissitudes, he distinguished himself by his firmness and consistency of character, He likewise takes considerable pains in shewing the merits of his history, and vindicating him from some unfounded charges which had been brought against his character and his impartiality as a writer. It is mournful to reflect, that a writer who had been equally caressed by the court of Rome and the house of Medicis, should be finally abandoned by both, and suffered to conclude his days in privation and misery and if we may believe Legni, whose fidelity as an historian has been seldom questioned, he died at length by poison.

L'Italia avanti il Dominio dei Romani:-Italy before the domination of the Romans. By Joseph Micali. Second edition, 4 vols. 8vo.

The present work is the history of a people that had no historians of their own; and though it procured for the author one of the decennial prizes instituted by the French government in Italy, it is obvious that neither talent

nor industry can ensure success in historic researches, or shed over the scenes

of other days that informing light which can alone give them interest and importance, without an access to original documents; and where no such documents exist, where the public events and transactions of a country are left unrecorded, and suffered to slumber in oblivion, the historian who seeks to explore them after a lapse of two thousand years must frequently wander through the romantic abodes of fancied events and imaginary heroes, without a guide to direct him to the retreats of certainty. Battles will be won that never were fought, and warriors will be slain that never existed. The author indeed collects with indefatigable industry whatever could be gleaned from the Greek and Roman historians; but this afforded but seanty materials, as these historians never spoke of them but incidentally, and were but little acquainted with their local history. M. Micali himself frequently convicts them of erroneous relations, and proves the fabulous character of many of their accounts; but after exploding these poetic dreams, he is unable to unveil to us the truth which ought to replace them. He leads us to doubt, or to incredulity, relative to the greater part of the traditions which others have implicitly received; but he has substituted nothing for them but a void which no human industry, or intellectual powers will ever be able to supply. In making these observations, we are far from depreciating the talents of the author: on the contrary, we cannot sufficiently admire the vigour and application of mind that reign throughout. Wherever he has authority to rest upon, wherever he has such data as enable him to speak as a critic, and without which criticism always dwindles into conjecture, he gives soul and animation to his subject, and proves himself to be what he is, a writer of the first order. Hence it is, that his account of the progress of the Pythagorean schools, and of the revolutions of Greece are read, and will continue to be read with encreasing interest. His reflections on politics and political economy equally profound; and notwithstanding the insurmountable difficulties under which the author laboured, we have no hesitation to say, that there is no work more deserving a place in a general library, or more necessary to fill up, if not entirely, at least partially, a void which has been long experienced with regard to the history of the native Italians.

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Coleccion, &c. :-A Selection of Fragments in the Castilian Language, collected from the best Writers. Madrid, 1821.

This collection contains fragments of the poems of Cervantes, Mariana, Solis, Quevedo, Mendoza, Guevara, Granada, Leon, and Jovelanos, who are the most classical writers of Spain, and, therefore, the best models for youth,

Noticia de los Principales Succesos occuridos en el Gobierno de Espana, &c. -Also in French, under the title of— D'Appercu des Revolutions survenues dans le Gonvernement d'Espagne, &c. An Account of the Revolutions of the Spanish Government, from the commencement of the Insurrection of 1808, to the Dissolution of the Ordinary Cortes in 1814. 8vo. Paris.

This history of the late Revolutions which have taken place in the Spanish Government, the production of a Spaniard resident at Paris, has been thought worthy of a translation into the French language. The events that led to this Revolution are unknown to few. Buonaparte, in virtue of an Act of Session, signed by the Spanish Monarch, claimed, in virtue of this Act, the right of Sovereignty over the kingdom of Spain.The invader prescribed laws to it, and gave it a King from his own family. It is obvious, that this Act of Session conveyed no virtual right. Buonaparte might, indeed, issue his manifestoes and decrees, but they could give him no constitutional authority over the country, and the nation was at liberty to choose the best means of redress which her situation placed within her reach. She did, indeed, all that could be done, and more, perhaps, than she could reasonably anticipate, considering the extraordinary circumstances in which she was placed. Deprived of a central Government, the Provinces rose separately in arms, and formed themselves under the direction of Juntos. These partial insurrections leagued with each other by degrees; the juntos were brought to act in unison with each other, and the federal system united once more the various countries which the dethronement of the Monarch had at first separated. In this critical situation, the juntos formed the virtual

Government. Created by the will of the people, they were guided in all their acts by that spirit which became the Spanish nation at the moment, and were the sole organ by which this spirit was directed in its career.

This natural spirit, by which they were actuated, made them instinctively perceive the necessity of forming a centre of action or of government, instead of that which had been subverted by usurpation; but in order that this centre of action might preserve the real spirit of its institution, they resolved, that it should be composed of deputies from the juntos of the different provinces, who, by a generous sacrifice, divested themselves of their power the moment they had established a national Government.The new Government, however, was merely provisional, and bound to prepare the Convocation of the Cortes, who alone could establish a fixed order of things.

The central junto, composed of thirtysix deputies of the provincial juntos, re united in 1808, at Aranjuez, in the midst of the invasion. Faithful to the discharge of its duties, though driven from town to town, it directed all its attention to the Convocation of the Cortes; but as imperious circumstances required the utmost promptitude in all measures connected with the public safety, it substituted a Regency, composed of five members, who were better qualified for assuming the sole direction of things in such a critical emergency. The Regency did not yield in patriotism to its founders, and when driven to the very extremity of the kingdom, into the Isle of Leon, they convened, in 1810, the Cortes, general and extraordinary. The provinces which still remained free hastened to send their deputies to Leon; those which were under the lash of the invader, unanimously appointed the representatives, the moment they were freed from the yoke.

In 1811, the Cortes held their general sessions at Cadiz, with the sole object of establishing a new Government for Spain. This constituent assembly presented, indeed, an august spectacle, deliberating with the wisdom and undisturbed calmness of an ancient senate, on all the articles of the new Constitution, while the bombs of the enemy were flying over their heads. Deeply impressed with the obligation imposed upon them, of consulting not only for the public welfare of their contemporaries, but also for that of posterity, they formed that constitutional code,

celebrated under the name of the Constitution of the Cortes of Cadiz.

The

All the Sovereigns of Europe, who were not obliged to yield to the influence of Buonaparte, immediatety recognized the Constitution of the Cortes. Of this number were, the Infant of Portugal, and the Kings of England, Prussia, and Sweden. Emperor of Russia expressly declared, in the third article of the treaty of Weliki-Louki, that he recognized the legitimacy of the Cortes, general and extraordinary, as well as the Constitution, decreed and sanctioned by that assembly.

Established and sanctioned by the legitimate representatives of the Spanish nation, accepted by the people and récognized as a constitutional act by foreign powers, the constitution of 1812 was obligatory throughout all Spain. The King returned to Spain with an intention, as it appeared, of accepting the present constitution; but being imposed upon by intrigue, he engaged in promoting the purposes of a party. This anti-national intrigue caused Spain to groan for six years under the despotism of a faction. The King could not possibly emancipate himself from the circle which this servile faction had drawn around him at Valencia. Whoever he consulted informed him that Spain sighed after the establishment of the ancient government. The faction, however, laboured under some disquiétude from the disposition of the army, until General Elio was gained over to their designs. From this moment they openly avowed their audacity; troops were sent to the capital to disperse the Cortes and arrest the liberals. The decree, ordering the subversion of the constitution, was signed and promulgated; and all the servile deputies hurried to sign a protestation against the Cortes, the moment they ascertained that this act of baseness would procure them pensions, places and honorary distinction. The measures of despotism thenceforth advanced with such rapidity, that the liberals, far from being able to oppose the violence of its career, only thought of saving their own lives; but the greater part of them were, notwithstanding, seized and thrown into prison. All these circumstances are related with great fidelity in matters of fact, and impartiality in matters of opinion, by the author of this work; and he successfully combats and disproves the objection generally urged against the constitutional validity of the acts of the Cortes, namely:-that they acted under the influence of English counsels.