His separation from friends. was strong, and full of energy: his own, inconstant and capricious. The father had judged for himself, with rude vigour and decision: the son,-impulsive, indolent, and without strength of principle or conviction, -was swayed by the advice of those nearest to his person. The early events of the regency displayed at once the preponderating influence of the Crown, over all other powers of the state, and the subjection of the regent to the counsels of the court. To politics, apart from their relations to himself, the his political prince was indifferent; and his indifference led to the same results, as the king's strong predilections. He readily gave up the opinions, as well as the political friends of his youth. As to his friends, indeed, he had been separated from them for many years, by the French Revolution1 the death of Mr. Fox had more recently loosened the tie which had bound them together: the part taken by them against the Duke of York, had further relaxed it; and the proud bearing of the great Whig leaders, little congenial to the lighter manners of the court, had nearly broken it asunder. But lately they had exerted themselves strenuously against the restrictions upon the powers of the regent, which the Government, following the precedent of 1788, had proposed; and their general views of policy were supposed to coincide with his own. Mr. Perceval's administration. Other circumstances pointed strongly to their being now called to office. The Perceval administration, 1 Mr. Erskine, writing to Mr. Lee, 8th Feb. 1793, said: "We are now plunging, for nothing, or rather for mischief, into a calamitous war, in combination (not avowed) with the despots of the North, to restore monarchy in France. And as it is the cause of kings, our prince is drawn into it, and has taken his leave of all of us."-Rockingham Memoirs, ii. 127. which had owed its origin to the king's dread of the Roman Catholic claims, was weak and disunited; and while the leading statesmen of all other parties were favourable to the Roman Catholic cause, the sole merit of this ministry lay in their opposition to it. Mr. Perceval himself had been personally obnoxious to the prince, as the friend and adviser of his detested princess, Caroline of Brunswick: nor had the chancellor, Lord Eldon, been free from the same offence. The regent had also suspected the latter of keeping him at a distance from his father, and told his lordship afterwards "that there was no person in the whole world that he hated so much, as for years he had hated him." 1 The prince had further raised the expectations of the Opposition, by confiding to Lord Grenville and Lord Grey the drawing up of his answer to the joint resolutions of the two Houses on the conditions of the regency; and he, as suddenly. repressed these expectations by rejecting their draft for another, -the composition of himself and Mr. Sheridan. This proceeding, so contrary to the views of these noblemen as responsible advisers, drew from them a remonstrance, which, however constitutional in doctrine, was too lofty in its tone, and partook too much of the character of a lecture, to be altogether acceptable to the prince.2 The prince the advice neglects of Lords Grenville and Grey. While the Regency Bill was passing through Parlia- Hopes of ment, the prince had frequent communications with the Oppothe Opposition. The plan of a new administration was concerted, and several of the principal places were allotted to the Whig leaders. So assured were they of their speedy accession to power, that, jealous of the 1 Twiss's Life of Eldon, ii. 197, 2 Moore's Life of Sheridan, ii. 198. 383, et seq.; Duke of Buckingham's appoint influence of Lord Moira and Mr. Sheridan, they were already insisting that the prince should engage to consult none but his future ministers.1 Nor were ministers less persuaded of the impending change. The king himself, in his lucid intervals, was informed of it by his chancellor; and was prepared to restore his old Their dis- servants when he recovered.3 But before the Regency Bill had received the royal assent, the queen addressed a letter to the prince, suggesting the serious consequences which a change of ministry might have upon the king's recovery. The prince accordingly acquainted Lord Grenville that the state of his Majesty's health prevented the removal of ministers; but that his confidence was entirely with his lordship, Lord Grey, and his other friends.4 ment. His pro posal that When the restrictions upon the prince's powers, as they should regent, were about to expire, and the king's recovery had join Mr. become more improbable, it was still believed that he Perceval. would, at length, form a new administration consisting of the Opposition leaders. He contented himself, however, with proposing, through the Duke of York, that some of those persons with whom the early habits of his public life were formed," should agree to strengthen Mr. Perceval's administration, - a proposal which they could scarcely have been expected to accept. In suggesting this arrangement, he truly avowed that he had "no predilections to indulge;" having now become 66 1 Rose Corresp., ii. 471-475. 3 Ibid., 477. 4 Rose Corresp., ii. 478, 479. 5 Hansard's Debates, xxii. 39, n. Duke of Buckingham's Memoirs of the Regency, i. 222. Lord Grenville, writing to the Marquess of Buckingham, Feb. 13th, 1812, said: "The whole will end, I doubt not, in the continuance of Perceval, with Castlereagh and Sidmouth to help him. And this, I believe, is what Lord Yarmouth means, whose intentions are those which are alone of any consequence."-Ibid., 225. Mr. T. Grenville, to same, 14th Feb. Ibid., 228; Life of Sir J. Romilly, iii. 11. as indifferent to the principles, as to the persons, of the Whig leaders. trangement his Whig leaders. influence of Restrained for a time, by the possibility of the king's His esrecovery', from making any changes, he had easily from the become satisfied with existing arrangements, — contentment being increased by a liberal civil list. This result was imputed to secret counsels, to the persuasion of the queen, the Hertford family, and the court. Parliament and the press resounded with denunciations of these covert influences.2 But the events of Paramount this period had a deeper import than the intrigues of the Crown. a court, and the disappointments of a party. They marked the paramount influence of the Crown in the government of the country. Here were the two great parties in the state looking to royal favour alone, as the source of their power. It was never doubted by the ministers, that, if they retained the confidence of the prince regent, they would be able to command the support of Parliament. It was never doubted by the Opposition, that, if invited to accept office, they would be able to maintain their position as firmly as the ministers, whom they were seeking to displace. Both parties were assured, that the support of Parliament would follow the confidence of the Crown. The Whigs had relied upon the personal friendship of the prince regent but the ministers, having supplanted their rivals by court favour, continued to govern the 1 Rose Corresp., ii. 478, 479. 2 Debate on Lord Boringdon's motion, 19th March, 1812. Lord Darnley, Earl Grey, &c.—Hansard's Debates, xxii. 62, 80. Lord Donoughmore, April, 21st, 1812.-Ibid., 525. Mr. Lyttleton, May 4th, 1812, said: "It was notorious that the regent was surrounded with favourites, and, as it were, hemmed in with min- Negotiations on the death of Mr. Per ceval, 1812. Lord mission. country, with the acquiescence of an obsequious Parliament. There was no appeal, on either side, to political principles or policy, or to public service; but all alike looked upwards to the court. The Tory party happened to prevail; and the government of the state was, therefore, conducted on Tory principles. If the Whig party had been placed in power, without any change in public opinion, Whig principles would have been in the ascendant. The assassination of Mr. Perceval made an unexpected opening for a new ministry; but the court appears to have been resolved that no considerable change should follow. Overtures were made to Lord Wellesley and Mr. Canning, to strengthen a government to whose policy they were opposed; but,—as had doubtless been expected, they refused such conditions.1 The old government would have been at once revived, had not the Commons addressed the regent, on the motion of Mr. Stuart Wortley, to take measures "to form a strong and efficient administration."2 Lord Wellesley was now commissioned to form a ministry: but none of the existing ministers would listen to his overtures; and the Opposition declined to accept such a share of the cabinet as was offered to them; and thus his lordship's mission failed, as the court had, probably, intended. At length Lord Moira, - the intimate friend of the prince, and the unconscious tool of the court, — was charged to consult with Lord Grey and Lord Grenville, on the formation of an administration. He stated that he had received this commission without any restrictions upon the consideration of such points as they judged use 1 Twiss's Life of Eldon, ii. 209 2 Hansard's Debates, 1st Ser., 213; Court and Cabinets of the xxiii. 231, 286. |