guage and of passion, he proceeded to ask that we should do these same things; that we should take the lives of prisoners, even by freezing and starvation, or turn them into living skeletons-by act of Congress.

Sir, the law of retaliation, which he invokes, has its limits, and these are found in the laws of civilized society. Admit the law of retaliation, but you cannot escape from its circumscription. As well undertake to escape from the planet on which we live. What civilization forbids cannot be

war, or on any other grounds, and the subject | inality," and the horrors of these scenes," was committed to him with full authority to act which he said were "absolutely indescribain the premises as he should deem right and ble," beggaring even his affluence of lanproper. Under this authority the subject of exchange has from that time continued in his charge and such efforts have been made as he deemed proper to obtain the release of our prisoners. An arrangement was made for the supply of our pris oners, the articles to be distributed under the direc. tion of our own officers, paroled for that purpose,' and the corresponding privilege was extended to the rebel authorities. In order to afford every facility for relief, special exchanges have been offered whenever desired on behalf of our prisoners. Such exchanges have in a few instances been permitted by the rebel authorities, but in many others they have been denied. A large done. number of exchanges, including all the sick, has been effected within a recent period. The cruel, commissary general of prisoners has been direct- cruel. ed to make a detailed report of all the exchanges ble. Perhaps the true principle of law on that have been accomplished since the general this precise question was never better exexchange ceased. He will furnish it to the pressed than by one of our masters, William House of Representatives as soon as completed. Shakspeare, jurist as well as poet, when he The last communication of General Grant gives makes Macbeth exclaim→→→ reason to believe that a full and complete exchange of all prisoners will speedily be made. It also appears from his statement that weekly supplies are furnished to our prisoners and distributed by officers of our own selection.

Your enemy may be barbarous and

but you cannot be barbarous and The rule is clear and unquestiona

I dare do all that may become a man ;
Who dares do more is none."

So with us now. We are permitted to do
all that may become a man, but nothing
more.

Let these instructions be followed, and it is difficult to see what remains to be done. But surely nobody will argue that the Exchange, retaliation and every other agency" barbarities of Andersonville," and all "right and proper," are fully authorized in those torments which we deplore, can bethe discretion of the commanding general. There is nothing in the arsenal of war which he may not employ. What more is needed? But this brings me again to the proposition before the Senate.

come a man. As well might we undertake, by way of retaliation, to revive the boot and thumb-screw of the Inquisition, the fires of Smithfield, "Luke's iron crown and Damien's bed of steel," or to repeat that The committee, not content with what execrable crime which is pictured by Dante, has been done distrustful, perhaps, of the in one of his most admired passages, commanding general-have proposed that where Ugolino and his children were shut Congress shall instruct the President to enter up in a tower, without food or water, and upon a system of retaliation, where we shall left to die slowly, cruelly, wickedly, by imitate as precisely as possible rebel barbar-starvation:

hath said,

ism, and make our prisons the same scenes" Thou modern Thebes! what? though, as fame of torment which we denounce. Why, Sir, to state the case is to answer it. The Sen- Count Ugolino did thy forts betrayator from Michigan, who advocates so elo- His sons deserved not punishment so dread." quently this unprecedented retaliation, at- Thanks to the immortal poet who has blasttempted a description of the torments of the ed forever this sickening enormity, and renrebel prisons, but language failed him. dered its imitation impossible. Thanks to After speaking of their "immeasurable crim- that mighty voice which has given new

sanction to the mandate of public law. And yet in this terrible case there was retaliation, and the famished victim is revealed as ferociously gnawing the skull of his tormentor. But this was not on earth.

But even if you make up your minds to do this thing, you cannot. The whole idea is impracticable. The attempt must fail. because human nature is against you. Nemo repente turpissimus. A humane and civilized people cannot suddenly become inhuman and uncivilized. Conscience, heart, soul and body, will all rise against From every side will be repeated

66

It is when we consider precisely the conduct of the rebels, as it has been represented; when we read the stories of their atrocities; when we call to mind the sufferings you. of our men in their hands; when we look on that generous cry which comes to us from the pictures introduced into this discussion, the darkest day of French history, when where art has sought to represent the living the brave commander said to the monarch skeletons; when the whole scene in all its who ordered the massacre of St. Bartholohorror is before us, and our souls are filled mew, Sire, I have under me brave solwith unutterable anguish, that we confess diers and trusty officers, but not a single exhow difficult, how absolutely impossible it ecutioner;" or that other later cry, when, is for us to follow this savage example. the French Convention, under the lead And just in proportion as the treatment of of Barere, decreed that all English prisour prisoners transcends the usages of civi- oners should be shot-" We will not shoot lized society must the example be rejected. them," said a stout-hearted sergeant.; • if Such is the law which you cannot disobey. the Convention takes pleasure in killing Do not, I pray you, consider me indiffer-prisoners, let members kill them and eat ent to the condition of those unhappy prison- them, like savages as they are." But the ers. I do not yield to the committee or to any officers and soldiers of the armies of the Senator in ardor or anxiety for their protec- United States are not less generous. They tion. Whatever can be done I am ready to too would cry out, "Let members of Condo. But, as American citizens, they have gress do this work, if it is to be done; but an interest that we should do nothing by do not impose it upon a fellow man." which our country shall forfeit that great place which belongs to it in the vanguard of the nations. It cannot be best for them that our country should do an unworthy thing. It cannot be best for them that our national destiny should be thus darkened. Duties are in proportion to destinies, and from the very heights of our example I argue again that we cannot allow ourselves, under any passing passion or resentment, to stoop to a policy which history must condemn. There is not a patriot soldier who would not say, "Let me suffer, but save my country."

Mr. President, it is with pain that on this occasion, I differ from valued friends whose friendship is among the treasures of my life. But I cannot help it. I cannot do otherwise. It is long since I first raised my voice in this Chamber against the "Barbarism of Slavery," and I have never ceased

to denounce it in season and out of season.

But the rebellion is nothing but that very barbarism armed for battle. Plainly it is our duty to overcome it, not to imitate it. And here I stand.

J. W. PRATT & CO., Printers, 75 Fulton Street, New York,

THE NATIONAL FAITH;

GUARANTEES FOR THE NATIONAL FREEDMAN AND

THE NATIONAL CREDITOR.

SPEECH

OF

HON CHARLES SUMNER,

AT THE

REPUBLICAN STATE CONVENTION,

IN WORCESTER,

SEPTEMBER 14, 1865.

BOSTON:

WRIGHT & POTTER, PRINTERS, 4 SPRING LANE.

SPEECH.

FELLOW-CITIZENS :

Called to preside over this annual Convention, where are brought together the intelligence, the heart and the conscience of Massachusetts, God bless her! I begin by asking you to accept my thanks. Gladly would I leave this post of honor to another; but I obey your will, In all I have to say I must speak frankly. What has with me become a habit is at this moment more than ever a duty. Who can see peril to his country, and not cry out? Who can see that good ship, which carries the Republic and its fortunes, driving directly upon a lee-shore, and not shout to the pilot, "Mind your helm?" Apologies or roundabout phrases are out of place when danger threatens.

EMANCIPATION NOT COMPLETE, SO LONG AS THE BLACK CODE

EXISTS.

When last I addressed my fellow-citizens on public affairs, at the close of the late Presidential election, as we were about to vote for Abraham Lincoln and Andrew Johnson, I undertook to show the absolute identity between Slavery and the Rebellion, so that one could not end without the other. As I finished that address, I said to friends near me, that it was "my last Anti-Slavery speech." I so thought at the time; for I anticipated the speedy downfall of the Rebellion, carrying with it Slavery. I was mistaken. Neither the Rebellion or Slavery is yet ended. The Rebellion has been disarmed; but that is all. Slavery has been abolished in name; but that is all. As there is still a quasi Rebellion, so is there still a quasi Slavery. The work of liberation is not yet completed. Nor can it be completed until the Equal Rights of every person, once claimed as a slave, are placed under the safeguard of irreversible guarantees. It is not enough to strike down the master; you must also lift up the slave. It is not enough to declare Emancipation. The whole Black Code, which is the supplement of Slavery, must give place to that Equality before the law, which is the very essence of Liberty. It is an old principle of the common law, recognized by all our courts, as announced by Lord Coke, that "where the law granteth anything to any one, that also is granted, without which the thing itself cannot be." So also where a piece of land is granted, which is shut in by the possessions of the grantor, a right of way is implied from common justice and the necessity of the