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promising measures ever devised for giv- gium to English readers, wrote in apparing effect to distinctively Liberal opinion. ent despair. He evidently thought that It is, however, becoming increasingly evi- freedom of education and of the press dent that he is encountering more and were in the greatest danger, and that the more difficulty through the universal suf- land was rapidly becoming again the frage which he created. In the Prussian property of the religious corporations. Parliament he has his own way com- The English Radicals of forty or fifty pletely; but, though no doubt the Impe- years ago held on the subject of universal rial Parliament is Liberal for the present, or widely extended suffrage a set of opinit becomes less so at each successive elec-ions which were natural enough at that tion, and it is not by any means impossi-period, but which were not the less a ble that in the end it may become Ultra-memorable instance of delusion. The montane. Hence there are plain signs of great opposition to the new opinions of a movement among the German Liberals the schools of thought which were rising for restricting the suffrage upon which up came from the vested interests of the Imperial Legislature is based, and for minorities. Economical reforms, fiscal assimilating it to the Prussian suffrage. reforms, judicial reforms, were each preNo such language is held about the "re-vented by small knots of men banded tosiduum" in Germany as is employed by gether by the common advantages which both the English parties. It is there the older system conferred on them. The openly called densely ignorant, grossly Radicals justly thought that if these superstitious, and almost wholly incapa- minorities were driven from influence ble of national spirit. The German edu- and power, the abuses which they supcated mind, always in speculative revolt ported would be easier of destruction; against authority, is now engaged in but they jumped to the further conclusion active war with the concrete embodiment that majorities had none of the political of all authority in the Popedom; and it vices of minorities. Bentham and his fully recognizes that its most obstinate followers used to argue that universal sufadversaries are that very portion of the frage must be a good thing because the community worshipped by Liberals else-interests which the Government based on where under the name of democracy. it would promote would by the nature of The same disbelief in the Liberalism of the case be the interests of all. The imthe masses enters into every shade of plied assumption here made is that multiFrench political sentiment. M. Gambetta tudes of men know their own interests in himself has obviously not a fragment of the same way in which small minorities faith in the conformity of opinion be- know them. The fact has turned out to tween the French multitude and himself. be that vast constituent bodies do not He thinks, like a long series of French know their own interests, unless knowing Republican leaders before him, that the their own interests means the same thing masses can be disciplined or educated as blindly following whatever impulse into Republicanism; but there is no prac-happens to act strongly upon them. tical difference of opinion between French Men, because they obtain votes, do not politicians of all colours on the point that become less ignorant, less superstitious, what the majority of Frenchmen would less envious, less servile, less greedy, less like best, if left to themselves, would be the victims of any set of persons who a dictatorship. Perhaps, however, the take the trouble to pull the wires of the most striking example of the divorce be- machinery by which they are moved. The tween Liberalism and Democracy is to be history of forty years has not proved seen in Belgium. Here is a most pros-more than this about the connection beperous country, endowed with popular tween Democracy and Liberalism. So institutions, secured against foreign war, long as Liberal policy is destructive — to which the Liberal party has admittedly and destructive it must sometimes be rendered almost priceless services. Yet from the necessity of the case-it may the effect of extending the suffrage has be expected to have the sympathy of a been to expel the Liberals from power, multitudinous constituent body. In the perhaps permanently. The Government in office is composed of men theoretically committed to the principles of the Syllabus, and the country is nearly as much given over to the priests as Portugal in the seventeenth century. M. de Laveleye, when he last explained the state of Bel

long run the masses may be depended upon to join in taking away from others advantages which they can understand and which they do not share themselves, in destroying rotten boroughs, opening close corporations, and disestablishing Churches. But when the demands of

Liberal opinion are for a constructive Army, though it has performed some seripolicy, or for a policy not capable of ous feats of arms, though it nominally being appreciated at a glance, or for contains 200,000 men, and is fairly a policy at variance with settled super- drilled, is too loosely organized for sufstitions, there is not more reason to ficiently rapid action in a great emerexpect popular support for them than gency. The Central Government, sitting for any other set of doctrines. Free at Berne, had, under the old Constitutrade was carried with the old constitu- tion, no direct power over the Army until encies, not, however, without the aid it was in the field, the organization of of numerous exceptional influences; but each section and the duty of forwarding what chance would it have had with the it where commanded being left absolutely present constituencies, led as are large with the Cantons. These powers are not sections of them by men who propose withdrawn even now, and each Canton to keep up wages by such expedients as can still use its own troops for internal "limiting the output of coal?" Sudden purposes; but the Canton is made for gusts of passion may occasionally lash a military purposes entirely subordinate to democracy into furious hostility to the the Central power, which can now dictate Pope, the Crown, the peerage, or the organization, take possession of all mapriesthood, but as a general rule men, be- tériel of war, and in fact, if it pleases, cause they obtain votes, do not give up create as centralized a force as it has any of their habitual opinions about this means to pay. There can be no doubt world and the next. Some surprise has whatever that this new power, if wisely been expressed that, though the English and moderately used, will greatly increase clergy is probably the class which has the securities for the independence of gone nearest to doing its duty to the agri- Switzerland. Her Army of 200,000 men cultural labourer, he proves to dislike the would by itself be a hard nut to crack, parson only less than the farmer, while he for the Switzers are brave fighting-men, respects the squire and stands in the and the authorities at Berne would in the greatest awe of the neighbouring duke. event of war stand in this favourable posiSomething of this is no doubt owing to tion. They can be attacked directly only the Nonconformist influences which have by Germany or France, and of course presided over the agricultural strike, but would be defended by either power innothe permanent cause is that the clergy-cent of the attack, — by Germany because man is in comparatively close contact with the labourer. He is near enough to be regarded as the embodiment of respectability and affluence, and to be envied accordingly; but the great landowner is at such a distance that hereditary awe of him is never dispelled. This is just what has been discovered every- be averted by the dislike of strong Powwhere respecting the poor and ignorant men who have been so generally turned into voters. They will join in putting down any institution which is close at hand; but their votes, like their ideas, are not the less at the service of anybody who will appeal to their abject fear of the Pope or the Devil, or both of them.

she could not submit to see her flank so completely turned, by France because the Swiss Army would furnish just the iron spear-head her own Army wants in a conflict with the German Army. At the same time, the risk that the defender would develope also into the ruler would

ers to lengthen their conterminous boundary, and the difficulty which either power, just exhausted by conflict, would feel in encountering a new army sure to fight well, and sure also to occupy the most dangerous of positions. It is true that the neutrality of Switzerland is guaranteed by Europe, but in these days guarantees do not count for much, and the ability to inflict a serious blow on any invader is a much more tangible security. Neither Germany nor France want to lose 100,000 men on the eve of a mighty THE NEW CONSTITUTION OF SWITZER- duel, and Switzerland, if thoroughly or

LAND.

From The Spectator.

ganized, might employ at least that numTHE changes in the Swiss constitution, ber. She becomes, in fact, a fortress accepted on Sunday by a double majority which an assailant must carry, just when of the people, and a threefold majority of the Cantons, are most serious, and have evidently two objects in view. One is to strengthen the Federal Army. That

he has other and heavier business on hand. Both Powers, it is true, acting in unison, could divide Switzerland, and there are contingencies under which this

danger might arise; but they are extremely improbable, and exist now in a yet higher degree, partition being comparatively easy. With 200,000 good men Switzerland will always find allies.

to see so suddenly and amazingly prosperous is accurate, the Confederation must establish civil marriage, for "marriage is not to be refused on any moral or religious ground," the Swiss apparently trusting the maintenance even of the laws of consanguinity entirely to opinion, as the French did during their whole Revolutionary period; while the children born out of wedlock must be legitimatized on the subsequent marriage of their parents, a just and humane provision in theory, but one which in practice is not found to conduce to female chastity. The State, in fact, is made supreme in all matters of marriage, burial, and ecclesiastical discipline, that is, in all that section of human life which in Catholic countries necessitates contact with the priesthood.

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The second and more immediate object, the one, in fact, on which all voting turned, is to raise the Republic once for all above all the Churches found within its borders, and this has been accomplished in the most thorough-going style. Many of the Cantons are strongly Catholic, and one or two are strongly Protestant, but the entire Republic may be classed as Liberal; and it is to the Republic, the whole Confederation, that all ecclesiastical power is now confided. An alliance between the Protestants and the Voltairians will always command, in the whole country, a majority too great to be re- These laws must have been prepared sisted, either by votes or rifles; and the by very astute hands, for while they proCentral Government, now allowed to act hibit no creed and interfere with no creed, without Cantonal restrictions, can pass they arm the governing party in the Reany ecclesiastical decree it pleases. The public with a power beyond that conState is set free with a vengeance. Not ferred in Prussia by the Falk laws, with a only may it pass any law on education, but power, that is, of suppressing Ultramonit must establish compulsory primary edu- tanism altogether. If reasonably worked, cation in all Cantons, and this education there is nothing in them to which fervent being uniform, will obviously be secular. Catholics can object - for Catholics do Then it must establish a Central Uni- not object to civil marriage in itself, but versity, at which men of all religions will to marriage unblessed by religious sancbe trained together, a practice to which tion - but they may easily be so worked Catholics, with considerable want of faith as to suppress Catholic discipline altoin their own system, have of late years gether. For instance, they certainly been angrily opposed. Then the Central allow of any penalty being enacted for authority "may take the necessary meas-excommunication, of the suspension of ures for the maintenance of public order religious services in a new diocese, of the and peace between the members of the gradual extinction of all convents, of the different religious communities, as well expulsion of any religious order "the conas against the encroachments of ecclesi- duct of which is dangerous to the State, astical authority upon the rights of the or disturbs the peace between the creeds," citizens," words wide enough to cover and, as we imagine, of the exclusion of any conceivable amount of interference any Papal Bull. The Confederation can, with any creed in the Republic, or at least in fact, prohibit the Roman Catholic reany creed requiring the services of a ligion, if it pleases; and though we do not priesthood. It is true, the Canton still believe the grave and experienced mer. retains the same powers, but the general who govern it intend to go that length, legislation overrides Cantonal authority, they have two additional temptations to and all Switzerland may punish an ex- attempt the feat. The revision has given communication pronounced by the Bishop them full control of the Army, and the of a Canton. As if to show clearly the vote for it has revealed the comparative spirit in which the power is to be used, weakness of their opponents. The Counthe Constitution authorizes the Confed-cil of the Confederation possesses, in eration to prohibit the creation of any fact, the full power of the Hohenzollerns, new Bishopric, a direct defiance to backed by a formidable army, and may, Rome; and the founding of any new con- if it pleases, persecute to any length, vent, or the re-establishment of any one short of inflicting death, a punishment dispossessed; to control all burial-places, which, strange to say, in a country so and to make any laws of marriage it may rigid in its ideas, is finally and universalplease. In fact, if the summary we are ly abolished. That is a dangerous quoting from the Continental Herald, the amount of power to commit to a majority old Swiss Times · -a journal we are happy in any Republic, and its habitual use may

510

end either in violent convulsions, or in | years, it is only within a recent period the emigration of the Catholic population that the white men have held any assured bodily to America. Even if it is not used, position. The majority of the early setthe provisions which confer it assert the tlers, "old hands," as they are now sovereignty of the State over the con- called, were certainly a very peculiar science to a degree which would never be people. Many were escaped convicts, borne in England, and which is entirely and they were scattered about the different inconsistent with any theory of religious islands, living pretty much on sufferance, liberty. It is not the State-paid pastor and at the mercy of the native chiefs. who may be restricted, but the unpaid, not Indeed, it was only by a thorough undermerely the new diocese which is prohibit-standing among themselves that they ed, but the new superintending circle. should all combine to help and avenge Wesley could no more work under the any one of their number who might be Bill than Pio Nono can. Lord John Russell's Ecclesiastical Titles their own with the blood-thirsty savages The principle of attacked that they contrived to hold Bill is, in fact, elevated into a State Dog- by whom they were surrounded. ma, and the Confederation can annul the course they cared nothing about the bruterritorial or disciplinary arrangements of tal fetish worship and cannibalism pracOf a disestablished Church. So can Parlia- tised by their hosts. ment, no doubt, but if it did, English Lib- considerable influence by aiding the more Some even acquired erals would scarcely assert that it was powerful chieftains in their constant governed by the principles of civil and reli-wars; and the stories which are still told gious liberty, or that any worship was in the islands go to show that they were free within the limits of morality and little, if at all, behind the Fijians themorder. The Cantonal system of Switzer- selves in brutality and licentiousness. land is not one we admire, for, like The small traders who took up their the State system of the Union, it has abode there from time to time made hazalways seemed to us unfavourable to the ardous profits by purchasing cocoa-nut development of statesmanship, but it did oil, tortoise-shell, bêche-de-mer, and other at least leave the people really free; and native products which could be easily obwe are not sure that the Swiss, in their tained; but for many years the island panic-terror of the Syllabus, are not part-trade was looked upon as a very dangering with too much of the freedom which alone makes them remarkable on earth.

From The Pall Mall Gazette.

THE FIJI ISLANDS.

I. THE WHITES.

OUR new dependency in Polynesia has been acquired so suddenly that very little is generally known concerning the islands or their inhabitants, whether white or black. In this instance, as in that of the Gold Coast, matters have been steadily advancing in one direction for many years, and yet, now that the time has come for decided action, scarcely any definite information is forthcoming to guide our judgment. A short sketch, therefore, of the population of Fiji and their habits of life may not be out of place.

To begin with the white men who are settled in the group, nine-tenths of whom are British subjects. peans have been in the Fiji Islands since Although Euroearly in the present century, and the missionaries, both Catholic and Wesleyan, have been at work there for nearly thirty

ous and in fact as almost a piratical business. The missionaries stood upon a very different footing. At first they made little headway, but the more frequent visits of men-of-war, British and American, gave them opportunities of which they courageously availed themselves; and, after the conversion of Wesleyans became a power in the group. Thakombau to Christianity in 1853, the They showed themselves very hostile to the interlopers, as they considered the whites who came from the colonies, and it was mainly owing to their influence that Colonel Smythe reported against annexation in 1860, when the first Commission, consisting of himself and Dr. Seeman who was favourable to it at the instance of the late Mr. Pritchard. This decision of course checked the influx of settlers for a time, and even induced some who were already in the islands to leave them.

-was sent out

few years consisted chiefly of fierce na-
The history of the group for the next
the missionaries and the gradual progress
tive wars, combined with the advance of
of trade.
dictatorial behaviour of the Wesleyans,
Notwithstanding the rather
who seemed at one time desirous of emu-

lating the government which the Catholic priests have set up in other islands, they certainly deserve great credit for the work they did during these years. It is rarely that so great and beneficial a change has been so soon brought about in the habits of a barbarous people. The introduction of Sea-Island cotton by Dr. Brower, the American Consul, and the owner of the island of Wakaia, changed the whole aspect of affairs. It was soon found that this description of cotton was particularly well suited to the moist yet equable climate and the rich volcanic soils of the Fijis. Under careful management it seemed probable that the new staple would yield considerable profits. It so happened, also, that about the time when the Sea-Island cotton was first grown both Australian and New Zealand wool was at a very low price. Some of the more adventurous of the colonists, therefore, who had been nearly ruined by the depression, scraped together the remains of their fortune and determined to try their luck in Fiji. A few have done tolerably well, but none, we fear, have earned the profits which they anticipated when they set out. At first, however, everything looked well, and in 1869 and 1870 there began a sort of "rush" to Fiji. Every newcomer thence was eagerly questioned in Sydney and Melbourne as to the amount of capital which would be required to start a cotton plantation with fair hope of success. The infection even spread to this country, and made way among classes not well suited to such work. In Melbourne a large Polynesian company was formed, which secured upwards of 200,000 acres. In the end a population of upwards of 2,000 white men has gathered in the islands; and whatever may have been said or thought to the contrary, they are in truth a fair sample of hard-working English colonists. Many of the planters are really superior men, quite capable of holding their own anywhere. There are some black sheep amongst them, no doubt; and these, as so often happens in a new community where each honest man is chiefly intent on minding his own business, have come to the surface. Mr. Layard, who evidently went out with the idea that he would be called upon to meet the very scum of the earth when he should encounter the Fijian planters, was agreeably surprised to find that for the most part he had to deal with straightforward, plain men of business, who were no more inclined to countenance

kidnapping, murder, and rape than he was himself; and he had the honesty to confess his surprise in one of his first speeches in Levuka.

The influx of white settlers and the simultaneous commencement of so many cotton plantations led to the importation of labourers from the neighbouring groups. Much has been heard of late of the abuses to which this traffic has given rise, and the annexation of Fiji will no doubt put an end to most of them. Meanwhile, the settlers declare that they were no parties to the atrocities which have been committed, and that they are only anxious that the coolie trade should be conducted with the strictest justice. There is at any rate this evidence in their favour, that none of the vessels regularly employed by them have been charged with such horrors as those which have disgraced some which set out from the colonies "on spec." Hardworking men who have invested their all in the islands, and who are living a rough life among a more or less hostile people, they not unnaturally hope that they be may be made secure of their holdings by the annexation of the group to the British empire, or that they may, on the other hand, be left to settle their differences with the natives after their own fashion. In short, Englishmen in Fiji are neither much better nor much worse than Englishmen in other parts of the world; and under the judicious rule of a responsible English governor, they will prove a very decent and law-abiding community. Even up to the present time brawls of a serious character have been very rare; and revolvers are much more common in many civilized American cities than among the white settlers in the Fijis.

The ideas of a planter's life derived from the old days in the West Indies and the Southern States of America have by no means been realized as yet in Fiji. Most of the settlers think themselves fortunate if on the road to future luxury they can manage to reach the stage of ordinary comfort. At present the white men, as a whole, are badly off. The fall in the price of cotton a very serious matter in a country where freight, insurance, and agency charges are so highand the damage done by the tremendous hurricanes of last year have together reduced many to the bare necessaries of life. The stock-keepers of Levuka and Suva, most of whom own plantations themselves, have been compelled to re

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