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scholars shall have made: he therefore called the attention of all to emulation, declaring that those who made most progress in learning would find most favour with him; and ordering those who had come from the country a present of twelve bullocks and some fruit for their suppers, he told them that they might return to their homes at their own convenience, bearing in mind that it was his desire they should pay attention to the instruction afforded them.

CIRCULATION OF THE SCRIP

TURES IN MEXICO. We have recorded with much pleasure many favourable indications of the increasing desire of the inhabitants of various parts of South America for moral and religious knowledge. We have much pleasure in adding to the facts already noticed in our pages, the following particulars, contained in a recent letter from the Rev. Mr. Brigham, an agent of the American Bible Society in South America, to the Society's agent in New York. The letter is dated Mexico, Feb. 18, 1826.

"I wrote to you from Guayaquil, saying that I had bought a box of Spanish Testaments there from Lima, and should probably sell a part and carry part to Mexico. I sold in Guayaquil 150 for 120 dollars. The twenty which I brought with me, with the exception of four sold for four dollars, I distributed among the poor at Acapulco, and along the road from thence to Mexico. I find in every part of Mexico, not only a willingness to possess the word of God, but even a strong desire, and that no open opposition is made to their distribution from any quarter. Since my arrival at the capital, an American merchant has received 500 Spanish Bibles from New York, and about 130 Testaments; all of which he sold readily, and for a high price. The Bibles sold for five dollars each, and were afterwards retailed for eight dollars and a half, and I saw some asking for them in the streets twelve dollars. The same merchant is expecting more every day, and will at once sell them as he did the first. I have never felt so much encouraged with regard to circulating the Word of Life, since I have been in Spanish America, as I am at present. When at Chili, they would scarcely sell at all, but since leaving that place there has appeared an increasing demand. I am confident that had I possessed them, I might, in Peru, Colombia, and Mexico, have sold instead of four or five hundred, as many thou

sands. I regret exceedingly that I had not possessed them.

"You have doubtless seen that a Bible Society has been formed in Colombia, and is patronized by the leading men of government and the church. I have been exceedingly anxious to form a similar Society in Mexico, but it has been thought best, by good advisers, to defer the attempt a little longer. I shall endeavour before I leave here to take some steps towards the formation of such a society; as I shall also towards the causing of the New Testament to be translated into the ancient Mexican tongue, which is yet spoken by many thousands. In the mean time, if opportunities present themselves, I should think it best to forward Bibles and Testaments to this place, with direc tions in regard to their sale and distribution. I hope, also, that some boxes will be sent to South America, particularly to Lima and Guayaquil. Mr. W. of the latter place, would probably be able to send one or two boxes to some acquaint ance in Quito, Cuenca, Acapulco, and San Blas, and recover and forward the pay for them.

"As nearly as I can learn, there have as yet, in all this Republic of 7,000,000 souls, been distributed only about 2000 copies of the holy Scriptures, and there is nearly the same destitution in all the other sister Republics. A wise Providence is now opening the way for the distribution of this sacred treasure among them; and who is there among us, that knows himself the worth of the Bible, that will not strive to impart it to the people of this country, and at the same time pray that it may here have free course, run, and be glorified ?"

LONDON FEMALE PENITEN

TIARY.

The last Report states, that there had been 175 applications for admission to the institution during the past year, of which 75 had been complied with. During that period 34 of the inmates, having completed their time in the institution, have been placed out in suitable situations; 29 had been reconciled and restored to their friends; 11 had withdrawn at their own request; 14 had been dismissed for im proper behaviour; one had been sent to her parish; and one had died. There are remaining in the institution 98.

The late venerable Bishop of Durham, who was a vice-president of the insti tution, has bequeathed to it a legacy of

5002.

VIEW OF PUBLIC AFFAIRS.

FOREIGN.

UNITED STATES.-The question relative to the proposed mission to Panama, which has been warmly agitated in the Senate of the United States, is decided in favour of the mission by a vote of twenty-four to nineteen. The President had sent a Message to the House of Representatives, strongly recommending the measure. Among the topics which will be discussed by the Congress, the President enumerates the following:

1. The formation of a convention of navigation and commerce, applicable both to the confederate states and their allies. "I cannot exaggerate to myself," says the President," the glory with which these United States will go forth in the memory of future ages, if, by their friendly counsel, by their moral influence, by the power of argument and persuasion, alone, they can prevail upon the American Nations at Panama, to stipulate, by general agreement among themselves, and so far as any of them may be concerned, the perpetual abolition of private war upon the ocean."-2. The assertion of the principle, that the American continents are not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by any European power.-3. To consider the political condition of the islands of Hayti, Cuba, and Porto-Rico.-On these topics we grieve to observe, that the prejudices of the slave-holding States in the Union exert an influence as unjust as it is injurious to the natives and descendants of Africa, and disgraceful to the NorthAmerican Union; and the more so as the influence is to be exerted to counteract the enlightened and humane views of the new Republics in South America. "There are," says the President," in the political constitution and government of that people," (the people of Hayti,) "circumstances which have hitherto for bidden the acknowledgment of them by the Government of the United States as sovereign and independent. Additional reasons for withholding that acknowledgment have recently been seen in their acceptance of a nominal sovereignty by the grant of a foreign prince, under conditions equivalent to the concession by them of exclusive commercial advantages to one nation, adapted altogether to the state of colonial vassalage, and retaining little of independence but the name. Our plenipotentiaries will be instructed to present these views to the assembly at Panama; and, should they not be con

curred in, to decline acceding to any arrangement which may be proposed on different principles.

"The condition of the islands of Cuba and Porto Rico," adds the Message," is of deeper import, and more immediate bearing upon the present interests and future prospects of our Union. The invasion of both the islands, by the united forces of Mexico and Colombia, is avowedly among the objects to be matured by the belligerent States of Panama. It is unnecessary to enlarge upon this topic, or to say more than that all our efforts, in reference to this interest, will be to preserve the existing state of things; the tranquillity of the islands, and the peace and security of their inhabitants."-That the United States should remain neutral in such a contest, might be just and wise; but that they should obtrude their active services to prevent the enslaved population of a foreign island becoming free, is surely a proceeding which reflects little credit upon their principles of justice, or their honest love of liberty. What would they have thought in their own Revolution if all Europe had combined against them, "to preserve the existing state of things?" 4. The adoption of just principles of religious liberty and toleration. "The Congress of Panama," says the President," is believed to present a fair occasion for urging upon all the new nations of the South, the just and liberal principles of religious liberty. This privilege, sanctioned by the customary law of nations, and secured by treaty stipulations, in numerous national compacts; secured even to our own citizens in the treaties with Colombia, and with the federation of Central America, is yet to be obtained in the other South-American States and Mexico. Existing prejudices are still struggling against it, which may, perhaps, be more successfully combated at this general meeting, than at the separate seats of government of each Republic."

In the debate in the Senate, on the Panama question, Mr. Hayne of South Carolina, remarked, much in the spirit of our own West-India colonists,

"The question of slavery is one, in all its bearings, of extreme delicacy, and concerning which I know of but a single wise and safe rule, either for the States in which it exists, or for the union. It must be considered and treated entirely as a DOMESTIC QUESTION. With respect to foreign nations, the language

I con

of the United States ought to be, that it concerns the peace of our own political family, and therefore we cannot permit it to be touched; and in respect to the slave-holding States, the only safe and constitutional ground on which they can stand, is, that they will not permit it to be brought into question either by their sister States, or by the Federal Government. To touch it at all, is to violate our most sacred rights, to put in jeopardy our dearest interests, the peace of our country, the safety of our families, our altars, and our fire-sides. sider our rights in that species of property as not even open to discussion, either here or elsewhere; and in respect to our duties, (imposed by our situation,) we are not to be taught them by fanatics, religious or political. To call into question our rights, is grossly to violate them to attempt to instruct us on this subject, is to insult us-to dare to insult our institutions, is wantonly to invade our peace. We committed an error when we entered into treaties with Great Britain and Colombia for the suppression of the slave trade. That error has been happily corrected. The first treaty has failed, and the second was nearly unanimously rejected by this body. Our policy then is now firmly fixed-our course is marked out. With nothing connected with slavery can we consent to treat with other nations, and least of all ought we to touch the question of the independence of Hayti in conjunction with revolutionary governments, whose own history affords an example scarcely less fatal to our repose. Those governments have proclaimed the principles of liberty and equality,' and have marched to victory under the banner of universal emancipation.' You find Men of Colour at the head of their armies, in their legislative halls, and in their executive departments. Our policy, with regard to Hayti, is plain: we never can acknowledge her independence. Other States will do as they please. Let our government direct all our ministers in South America and Mexico, to protest against the independence of Hayti. But let us not go into counsel on the slave trade and Hayti. These are subjects not to be discussed any where."-But in spite of these hostile indications, we feel much pleasure in reporting, that the great work of humanity is rapidly advancing. Resolutions have been adopted by the Senate of Pennsylvania, expressive of the opinion of that State, that slavery, being a national evil, the people and the States of the Union ought mutually to participate in the duty and

6

burden of removing it, and that the general Government ought, if practicable, to adopt an efficient plan for its general abolition. And even in South Carolina itself, there are not a few persons who abhor and deprecate the system of slavery. We might adduce a recent proof of this, in a series of resolutions unanimously adopted at a meeting of the Methodist Quarterly Conference held at Cambridge, South Carolina, on the 18th of February. That body have resolved even to exclude from their society, every member who refuses to manumit his slaves, where the laws of the State allow him to do so. In the opinion of this Conference, slavery is not only a national evil, but a most evident violation of the fundamental principles of Christianity; which inculcates that we "do unto all men as we would they should do to us;" and they, "with the most heartfelt joy, applaud their brethren of the northern and eastern States, who have nobly declared by their acts, that a slave cannot breathe amongst them."

DOMESTIC.

Parliament closed on the 31st of May. The King's Speech, which was delivered by commission, contains but few topics for recapitulation. It begins with stating his Majesty's intention immediately to dissolve Parliament, and to convene a new one. It announces a preliminary treaty with the King of Ava; which his Majesty, it is added, had every reason to expect would lead to a secure and permanent peace. It states his Majesty's wish to prevent the breaking out of hostilities, and to compose those which exist, as well in America as in Europe. It announces his Majesty's intention to reduce the public expenditure, "in every degree that may be consistent with the due maintenance of the security, honour, and interests of his kingdom." Lastly, it states, that "his Majesty's paternal feelings have been deeply affected by the distresses which have prevailed among the manfacturing classes of his Majesty's subjects, and by the exemplary patience with which those distresses have been generally borne." But his Majesty," it is added, " trusts that the causes out of which the partial stagnation of employment has arisen, are, under the blessing of Providence, in a course of gradual abatement."

The expectations expressed in the speech relative to the termination of the Burmese war, we regret to say, have been for the present frustrated by the evasive conduct of the Burmese government, in not acting up to the stipulations

of the armistice; in consequence of which hostilities have been renewed; but the subsequent successes of our troops have been so decisive that the enemy is expected speedily to submit to the conditions proposed by the British authorities. With regard to the distresses in the manufacturing districts, alluded to in the speech, we would hope that even already they are in some small measure alleviated. The liberality of the public has been productive of much immediate benefit to thousands of suffering families; and we are happy to state, that the scenes of riot and outrage alluded to in our last Number have not recurred. It is vain, however, to expect that any effectual and permanent relief will be afforded to our manufacturers, unless the principles of a free trade are acted upon, not partially, but universally; unless the monopoly of corn enjoyed by our landholders, and the monopoly of sugar enjoyed by our Slavemasters, and all other monopolies, are done away. Our manufacturers, for example, are starving; and yet we obstinately shut them out from the market of India, by increased duties on the produce of free labour, lest the planters of the West Indies should not be adequately profited by oppressing and over-driving their Slaves. Such a system cannot last. The dissolution of Parliament announced in the speech, and immediately carried into effect, has been followed by a general election; the particular circumstances of which are too numerous and local to allow of our noticing them at large. The chief tests by which the candidates throughout the kingdom have been tried, in addition to the usual one of a reform in Parliament, have been the repeal of the present corn laws, the question of Catholic emancipation, and the abolition of Slavery. On the first of these the public voice has been very loudly expressed in the affirmative in all our towns and cities; the agricultural districts strongly disapproving of the measure. On the second, the popular opinion has been also loud, though not always successful in opposing those who are favourable to further concessions to the Catholics. On the third, there has been an apparent unanimity, which, however, has been the less gratifying, because even many of those who are known to be hostile to the cause of Negro emancipation

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have deemed it prudent to veil their hostility under general professions of adherence to Mr. Canning's Resolutions of 1823, and have affected to concur in the general wish to put an end to slavery by slow and cautious steps. Situated, however, as the question now is, such professions, it is evidently thought, may be made with small hazard. The renewed reference of the subject to the colonial assemblies, notwithstanding their contumacious resistance to the wishes of Parliament; the intimation on the part of Mr. Canning, that those assemblies, in adopting the Trinidad Order in Council, are to be allowed to modify its provisions; the tone which is taken in the colonial office on the subject of free and slave labour; and the vituperative strain towards the abolitionists, adopted by those periodical publications which are supposed to echo the feelings of the ministerial circle; all tend to impress upon the West-Indian party the small hazard they incur by falling in so far with the popular taste on this subject, as to use the language of acquiescence in the measures of Government; especially as they thus avoid collisions which, during the crisis of an election, might be attended with danger. These gentlemen are wise in their generation. But if the people of England are led to imagine that they may rely on the active services, in the cause of abolition, of certain West-Indian proprietors, because they may profess on the hustings their dislike of slavery, and their desire to co-operate with Government in terminating it, they will find themselves wofully mistaken. A few of the superficial abuses of the system may indeed be removed; but as for any effective reformation of it, any such fundamental change on the law of slavery, as may raise the slave to a participation in the rights and privileges and lights of Britons and of Christians, while these men are to be accredited as reformers, and while the colonial assemblies are to be employed as the instruments of reform, it is not to be expected. The people of England will still find their hopes deluded until Parliament shall be induced by their renewed and persevering remonstrances to take the work into their own hands, and to relieve them from the guilt and the reproach of this heartless and impious system.

ANSWERS TO CORRESPONDENTS.

VIGILIUS; CLERICUS; L. C.; J. M.; A FRIEND, &c.; SENEX; SEPTUAGENARIUS; CLERICUS; and J. C.; are under consideration.

We recommend Rurus to converse with some pious and judicious Clergyman on the subject of his letter.

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THE

CHRISTIAN OBSERVER.

No. 295.]

JULY, 1826. [No. 7. Vol. XXVI.

RELIGIOUS COMMUNICATIONS.

For the Christian Observer. MEMOIR OF DAVID ZEISBERGER.

THE

HE venerable David Zeisberger was upwards of sixty years a missionary, from the Church of the United Brethren, among various Indian tribes in North America. The following narrative of his eventful life is taken from the accounts given of it by Heckenwalder, who was for many years his fellow labourer, and by Loskiel, in his History of the Mission of the United Brethren among the North American Indians. The best introduction to it will be an extract from the description given of his character by Benjamin Mortimer, his younger assistant, who speaks of him as follows:

"Zeisberger was fully convinced, that by God's will and purpose he was specially called to preach the Gospel to the heathen, and he therefore gladly sacrificed all convenience, pleasure, and whatever is counted valuable in this world, to that important vocation. He trusted firmly to the never-failing support and blessing of that Lord whom he had the favour to serve; labouring cheerfully and courageously, amidst the scorn and spite of men, under hardships, hunger, threats, and dangers; patiently performing his daily work, and completing it in spite of all opposition. Nothing delighted him more, than when he perceived that the Gospel had found entrance into the hearts of those heathen, to whom he had brought it, and when they truly repented and mourned on account of their sins, received pardon CHRIST. OBSERV. No. 295.

and peace, and, being truly converted, rejoiced in God their Saviour, and walked worthy of the grace bestowed upon them. On such occasions, he shewed such kind participation in their joy, as if he himself had obtained the utmost aim of his best wishes. To see a poor straying sheep return with weeping and supplication to the fold of the Good Shepherd, gave him inexpressible pleasure.

"In his ministry, he never forgot that he had to wrestle against that spiritual enemy who rules in the hearts of the children of disobedience, but that God himself was on his side, and would assuredly give him the victory. And truly of him it may be said, that he overcame by the blood of the Lamb, and by the word of his testimony.' In other capacities, also, he approved himself as a most distinguished servant of God. During the last century no other missionary, for such a series of years, and amidst so many trials and dangers, preached the Gospel to the Indian nations. He lived sixty years among them, and in the last forty years of his life was never six months absent from his dear Indian flock; and during that long period he visited the Brethren in the United States only three times."

David Zeisberger was born April 11th, 1721, at Zauchtenthal, in Moravia, where many of the descendants of the ancient Brethren lived in obscurity. If, however, any of them were discovered, oppression and persecution did not fail to be their lot. Many of them, therefore, emigrated to Herrnhut, 3 D

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