and reciprocal obligation: he promises that he will be a good prince; the people promise that if he is such they will obey him. The people are thus obligated to the prince conditionally, he to them absolutely. If the condition be not fulfilled, the people are released, the contract abrogated, the obligation ipso jure void. The king is faithless if he governs unjustly; the people, if they neglect to obey him while he rules justly. The people are entirely innocent of the crime of perfidy if they publicly renounce an unjust ruler or endeavor to overpower by force of arms one who without lawful right attempts to hold the kingdom. It is not merely permissible to the officers of the kingdom to repress a tyrant; it is incumbent upon them as a part of their duty. If they do not discharge this duty they can plead no contract as an excuse. The electors, patricians, peers and other nobles (optimates) should not think that they were instituted to exhibit themselves, clothed in their robes of state, at the coronation of the king, according to the ancient custom; as if they were acting in a Greek interlude, or playing the parts of Roland, Oliver, Renaldo and other stage personages representing the knights of King Arthur's table. Nor after the assemblage has been dismissed should they think that they have fulfilled their parts excellently. Such ceremonies are not intended to be executed perfunctorily, or designed for sport-as in children's games when, as Horace describes, they make a king in play. These leaders (optimates) should rather know that they are called to a place of work as well as of honor, and that the commonwealth is intrusted to the king as its first and principal guardian and to them as co-guardians. Just as other guardians are appointed to observe the acts of him who holds the place of chief guardian, to demand constant accounting of his administration and watch carefully how he acquits himself of his charge; so likewise officers are appointed to watch the king (who is master only in the sense of having the care of a ward), to see that he does nothing to the detriment of the people. The conduct of the principal guardian is imputed to the co-guardians if, when they ought and can, they do not discover his fault, especially where he neglects to communicate the affairs of administration to them, or executes his guardianship faithlessly, or practises deceit, acts selfishly or ruinously for his ward, or distrains anything from the property of the ward; in fine, they are held to account if he acts stupidly, indifferently or unskilfully. In like manner the chief officers are held responsible for the conduct of the king, if they do not suppress tyranny or prevent its appearance, or supplement his inefficiency by their own ... vigilance and industry. The commonwealth is intrusted as much to their care as to his; their commission is not only that they serve the public interest through their particular offices, but also that they hold him to his proper function. Both he and they have promised to secure the welfare of the commonwealth. If he violates his oath they are not to imagine that they are thereby absolved from their pledge, any more than are bishops released from their vows if the Pope defends heresy or seeks to destroy the church. The more the king becomes an oath-breaker, the more should the officers consider themselves bound to keep their faith. If they act collusively they are to be accounted prevaricators; if they conspire with him, they are deserters and traitors; if they neglect to deliver the commonwealth from tyranny, they are tyrants themselves. On the other hand, if they undertake to save the commonwealth and defend it with all their powers, they are protectors, guardians, and, in a sense, kings themselves. Life and Times: SELECTED REFERENCES Dunning, Political Theories, from Luther to Montesquieu, ch. ii, § I. Exposition and Criticism: Dunning, Political Theories, from Luther to Montesquieu, ch. ii, § 2. Armstrong, "Political Theory of the Huguenots" in English Historical Figgis, Studies of Political Thought, from Gerson to Grotius, pp. 152–158. |