VII. MACHIAVELLI (1469-1527)

INTRODUCTION

In the Defensor Pacis we found ideas on popular government which seemed notably in advance of the age in which they were enunciated. But Marsiglio's manner of discourse was essentially mediæval; his argumentation was deductive and abstract; and though his scriptural citations were less numerous than was customary among mediaval writers, he resorted freely to Aristotle for statement of first principles and for confirmation of his conclusions. It is two centuries later before we find the first important political book which is generally regarded as distinctively modern in method and point of view; this book is The Prince of Machiavelli. This celebrated work is called modern because, in the first place, its conclusions are sustained by observations from than history and contemporary politics rather by citation of authority or by derivation from theological dogma and philosophical tradition; in the second place, in contrast to mediæval methods, political questions are examined in thorough isolation from religious, metaphysical, and ethical principles. The Prince treats of the means whereby a strong and adroit man may most successfully acquire, increase, and perpetuate political dominion. Questions of right and wrong, and considerations of public welfare and of conformity to religious practices, are introduced only with regard to their bearing upon the skilfulness of the autocrat. The completeness with which this detachment of method is pursued in The Prince, and the particular type of conclusions of statecraft reached, seem properly to be assigned to no special epoch or school. They seem rather the peculiar product, on the one hand, of the temperament of the author, and, on the other hand, of the character of the political events through which he lived.

Machiavelli was born in Florence. He was in the public service of that city-state from the year 1494 (the year of the invasion of Charles VIII, the first expulsion of the Medici, and the temporary restoration of the Republic) until the return of the Medici in

1512. Following this he was in exile for nine years. It was during his banishment that he wrote The Prince, the Discourses on the First Ten Books of Livy, and several historical and dramatic works. Through the greater part of his active political life he headed the highest diplomatic office of the Republic. He was sent on numerous missions to petty principalities and cities of Italy, and on several important embassies; thus he visited the courts of Louis XII of France, Emperor Maximilian and others. These missions afforded him opportunity for observing governmental practices under diverse conditions. Of peculiar significance in this regard was his mission to the camp of Cæsar Borgia at the point of time when that skilful and infamous tyrant had attained his summit of success. The career of single-minded cruelty and fraud which Cæsar Borgia had followed furnished Machiavelli with many suggestions in practical politics. But Machiavelli's experience and observation had provided him a broader field for examination of the efficacy of despotism. The principle of direct autocracy was dominant in the governments of the great states of Europe, and in that of the church. Furthermore, recent events in Machiavelli's own city, and the general political condition of Italy, indicated to him the need for an analysis of the qualities of a successful monarch. From the instability which was chronic within each of the small Italian states, and from the turmoil of continually conflicting claims of territorial jurisdiction, escape appeared to be possible only through the agency of a single powerful and unscrupulous despot.

The Prince was completed in 1513. Machiavelli planned to dedicate the work to one of the Medici, hoping thereby to obtain recall from exile and restoration to public office and favor, and also to bring his manual into the attention of one who, by following its doctrines, might accomplish the unification of Italy. He finally dedicated The Prince to Lorenzo de' Medici,1 who became de facto head of the Florentine government in 1516. Machiavelli was subsequently recalled from exile and was employed in the capacity of adviser and diplomatic representative of the Medici rulers in Florence and Rome.

1 Grandson of Lorenzo the Magnificent.

READINGS FROM THE PRINCE1

The Conduct of a Successful Ruler 2

Ch. xv. Of Such Things as Render Men (especially Princes) Worthy of Blame or Applause.

It remains now that we see in what manner a prince ought to comport with his subjects and friends; and because many have written of this subject before, it may perhaps seem arrogant in me, especially considering that in my discourse I shall deviate from the opinion of other men. But my intention being to write for the benefit and advantage of him who understands, I thought it more convenient to respect the essential verity, rather than an imaginary view, of the subject; for many have framed imaginary commonwealths and governments to themselves which never were seen nor had any real existence. And the present manner of living is so different from the way that ought to be taken, that he who neglects what is done to follow what ought to be done, will sooner learn how to ruin than how to preserve himself; for a tender man, and one that desires to be honest in everything, must needs run a great hazard among so many of a contrary principle. Wherefore it is necessary for a prince who is willing to subsist to harden himself, and learn to be good or otherwise according to the exigence of his affairs. Laying aside, therefore, all imaginary notions of a prince, and discoursing of nothing but what is actually true, I say that all men when they are spoken of, and especially princes, who are in a higher and more eminent station, are remarkable for some quality or other that makes them either honorable or contemptible. Hence it is that some are counted liberal, others miserly; . . some munificent, others rapacious; some cruel, others merciful; some faithless, others precise; one poor-spirited and effeminate, another fierce and ambitious; one courteous, another haughty; one modest, another libidinous; one sincere, another cunning; one rugged and morose, another accessible and easy; one grave, another giddy; one devout, another an atheist.

No man, I am sure, will deny but that it would be an admirable thing and highly to be commended to have a prince endued with all the good qualities aforesaid; but because it is impossible to

The selections are from Henry Morley's edition of The Prince and Other Pieces, but many changes, in wording and construction, have been made. 2 Chs. xv-xix, xxi. Part of ch. xix is omitted.

have, much less to exercise, them all by reason of the frailty and grossness of our nature, it is convenient that he be so well instructed as to know how to avoid the scandal of those vices which may deprive him of his state, and be very cautious of the rest, though their consequence be not so pernicious but that where they are unavoidable he need trouble himself the less. Again, he is not to concern himself if he incur the infamy of those vices without which his dominion is not to be preserved; for if we consider things impartially we shall find some things are virtuous in appearance, and yet, if pursued, would bring certain destruction; while others, seemingly bad, yet, if followed by a prince, procure his peace and security.

Ch. xvi. Of Liberality and Parsimony.

To begin, then, with the first of the above-mentioned qualities, I say, it would be advantageous to be accounted liberal; nevertheless, liberality so used as not to render you formidable does but injure you; for if it be used virtuously as it ought to be it will not be known, nor secure you from the imputation of its contrary. To keep up, therefore, the name of liberal amongst men, it is necessary that no kind of luxury be omitted, so that a prince of that disposition will consume his revenue in that kind of expenses, and be obliged at last, if he would preserve that reputation, to become grievous, and a great exactor upon the people, and do whatever is practicable for the getting of money, which will cause him to be hated of his subjects and despised by everybody else when he once comes to be poor, so that offending many with his liberality and rewarding but few, he becomes sensible of the first disaster, and runs great hazard of being ruined the first time he is in danger; which, when afterward he discovers, and desires to remedy, he runs into the other extreme, and grows as odious for his avarice. So, then, if a prince cannot exercise this virtue of liberality so as to be publicly known, without detriment to himself, he ought, if he be wise, not to dread the imputation of being covetous, for in time he shall be esteemed liberal when it is discovered that by his parsimony he has increased his revenue to a condition of defending himself against invasion and of engaging in enterprises upon other people without oppressing his subjects; so that he shall be accounted noble to all from whom he takes nothing away, which are an infinite number, and near and parsimonious only to such few as he gives nothing to. In our days we have seen no great action done but by those who were accounted miserly; others have failed always. Pope